Preface; C.C. Gould. Marxology; R.S. Cohen. Art: Institutional Blessing: the Museum as Canon-Maker; H. Hein. `Suddenly One Has the Right Eyes': Illusion and Iconoclasm in the Early Gombrich; G. Horowitz. Danto, Dutton, and our Pre-Understanding of Tribal Art and Artifacts; M.Kelly. In Defense of Musical Representation: Music, Representation and the Hybrid Arts; P. Kivy. Two Vignettes in the History of the Mensuration of Value; D. Lackey. Irony, Ltd., and the Future of Art; B. Lang. A Genealogy of `Aura': Walter Benjamin's Idea of Beauty; G. Smith. Science: Analysis and Synthesis According to Ibn al-Haytham; R. Rashed. Changes in the Concepts of Space and Time Brought about by Relativity; J. Stachel. Philosophy and Its History: Hegel and the Doctrine of Expressivism; A. Buchwalter. Translating Feuerbach; P. Caws. Is the Enlightenment Over? W.J. Earle. Realism; P. Feyerabend. An Anatomy of Wittgenstein's Picture Theory; J. Hintikka. Rationality and Commitment; I. Levi. The Theses on Feuerbach: a Road not Taken; A. MacIntyre. Donald Davidson's Philosophical Strategies; J. Margolis. Time and Conscious Experience; J. Proust. Ten Philosophical Poems; A. Shimony. Politics and Praxis: The Philosophy of Optimism and Pessimism; J. Agassi. Life is not a Poem? B. Elevitch. Levinas, Feminism, Holocaust, Ecocide; R.S. Gottlieb. Marx after Marxism; C.C. Gould. The Good and the Rational; E. Kohak. The End of a Metaphor: the Base and the Superstructure; G. Markus. The Marxian Vision of a (Better) Possible Future: End of a Grand Illusion? W.McBride. On the Communicative Dimension of Social Practice; T. McCarthy. The Bread of Faithful Speech; C. Ryan. Unsafe at Any Depth: Geological Methods, Subjective Judgments, and Nuclear Waste Disposal; K. Shrader-Frechette. Community and Difference: Reflections in the Wake of Rodney King; L.C. Simpson. Partisanship, Universalism, and the Dialectics of Moral Consciousness; W.H. Truitt.

In the late 19th and early 20th century, anarchism was the most feared revolutionary movement in the world. However, by the late 20th century anarchism was eclipsed by the rise of the modern totalitarian states, world wars, and the emergence of technocratic managerial economies. Meanwhile, anarchists have failed to provide alternatives to this dominant form of political economy.

In this work, the anarchist theoretician Keith Preston places the blame for these failures on the shoulders of his fellow anarchists. He criticizes the contemporary anarchist movement for having degenerated into a fashionable youth culture that has lost the ferocity of historic anarchism. Instead, present day anarchists are more likely to serve as the lackeys of political correctness than the vanguard of revolution.

Preston discusses the possibility of new directions for modern anarchists. These include the formation of strategic alliances for the purpose of overthrowing states, ruling classes, and empires by means of the visionary concept of pan-secessionism. He recognizes that anti-state revolutionaries will eventually need to achieve victory through "fourth generation warfare" i.e. an insurgency on the model of groups like Hezbollah or the Peoples War Group.

Further, Preston argues that the social base of anarchism should not be fanciful intellectuals or privileged-class university students. Instead, the foundation of revolutionary struggle should be the "lumpenproletariat" of the permanently unemployed, the dispossessed, the prisoner, the prostitute, and the homeless. Preston subsequently surveys a plethora of trends that provide a basis for anarchist optimism.

This book develops an original and comprehensive theory of political liberalism. It defends bold new accounts of the nature of autonomy and individual liberty, the content of distributive justice, and the justification for the authority of the State. The theory that emerges integrates contemporary progressive and pluralistic liberalism into a broadly Aristotelian intellectual tradition. The early chapters of the book challenge the traditional conservative idea of individual liberty-the liberty to dispose of one's property as one wishes-and replace it with a new one, according to which liberty is of equal value to all persons, regardless of economic position. The middle chapters present an original theory of socio-economic justice, arguing that a society in which every citizen enjoys an equal share of liberty should be the distributive goal of the State. It is argued that this goal is incompatible with the existence of large disparities in wealth and economic power, and that (contra conservative and libertarian economic arguments) such disparities are harmful to the overall health of national and global economies. The final chapters provide an original argument that the State has both a moral duty and a moral right to pursue this program of socio-economic justice (contra conservative and libertarian moral arguments), and that only the measures necessary to implement this program lie within the morally justifiable limits on the State's authority. Though primarily a political work, it spans most areas of practical philosophy-including ethical, social, and legal theory; and meta-ethics, moral psychology, and action theory. And though fundamentally a philosophical work, it incorporates research from a number of fields-including decision theory, economics, political science, and jurisprudence; primatology, neuroscience, and psychology; and history, anthropology, sociology, and ecology-and is sure to be of interest to a wide range of scholars and students.

Levinas and Lacan, two giants of contemporary theory, represent schools of thought that seem poles apart. In this major new work, Mari Ruti charts the ethical terrain between them. At first glance, Levinansian and Lacanian approaches may seem more or less incompatible, and in many ways they are, particularly in their understanding of the self-other relationship. For both Levinas and Lacan, the subject's relationship to the other is primary in the sense that the subject, literally, does not exist without the other, but they see the challenge of ethics quite differently: while Levinas laments our failure to adequately meet the ethical demand arising from the other, Lacan laments the consequences of our failure to adequately escape the forms this demand frequently takes. Although this book outlines the major differences between Levinas and Judith Butler on the one hand and Lacan, Slavoj Zizek, and Alain Badiou on the other, Ruti proposes that underneath these differences one can discern a shared concern with the thorny relationship between the singularity of experience and the universality of ethics. Between Levinas and Lacan is an important new book for anyone interested in contemporary theory, ethics, psychoanalysis, and feminist and queer theory.

This volume brings together works written by international theorists since the fall of the Berlin Wall, showing how today's crisis-ridden global capitalism is making Marxist theory more relevant and necessary than ever. This collection of key texts by prominent and lesser-known thinkers from Latin America, Asia, Africa, America, and Europe showcases an area of scholarly analysis whose impact on academic and popular discourses as well as political action will only grow in the coming years. It reflects today's sense of planetary eco-emergency and a heightened interest in political economy that follows discontentment with the growing inequalities in the West and the unequal nature of development in the "global South." The work is organized thematically, with sections covering the present historical conjuncture, the contemporary shapes of the social, philosophical concepts, theories of culture, and the status of the political today. This new formulation of the unity and nature of contemporary Marxist theory will be an invaluable resource to any humanities and social science student learning about social and political thought and theory.

This analysis of the human need to persuade offers a new, creative, application of Aristotelian essentialism to human discourse. Using Thomas Aquinas s adaptation of essentialism as a starting point, Jeffrey J. Maciejewski argues that persuasion is natural to human beings and that it possesses dispositional properties that bring about stages of human action that ultimately harmonize the operations of the mind in addition to harmonizing human relationships. Aquinas s philosophy of human nature is reviewed and re-examined in order to discover why it is that humans need to persuade themselves and each other. The book should be of considerable interest to scholars of human nature, Thomist philosophy, and those interested in the history of rhetoric and rhetorical theory."

This volume is a reappraisal of the work of Peter Guy Winch (1926 -1997), one of the most important philosophers of the 20th Century. Winch faded into relative obscurity compared to his contemporaries due to a mistaken belief that there are no systematic connections between the different aspects of his work. This volume corrects that presupposition and reintroduces Winch's work to a new generation of scholars. By showing how ethical, political and social issues are interrelated in Winch's work, and by making clear the connections between these issues and themes in metaphysics and the philosophy of mind, the volume demonstrates both the breadth and the unity of Winch's approach. It discusses topics such as ethics, political philosophy, social science, the philosophy of action, the philosophy of mind, metaphysics, and the philosophy of language. Despite this apparent variety of topics, the contributors to the volume share Winch's conviction that the different areas of philosophy are interdependent. As a result, the volume as a whole shows unity in diversity and provides an example of a manner of philosophising in which different approaches and sub-disciplines are placed in dialogue with each other. Peter Guy Winch is most famous for his early work on the philosophy of the social sciences. His On the Idea of a Social Science and its Relation to Philosophy (ISS) generated controversy within both philosophical and social scientific circles. In that work and subsequent publications Winch argued against the presupposition that social relations could be understood using the conceptual tools of the natural sciences. Winch would later describe ISS as a 'young man's book' and would come to regret the reputation it garnered him - a mixture of roughly equal degrees fame and infamy. Alongside his work on the philosophy of social sciences, Winch was an interpreter and exegete of Wittgenstein. He also published a ground-breaking study of the philosophy of Simone Weil, entitled Simone Weil: The Just Balance. Winch also published numerous essays on issues in ethics, political philosophy and the philosophy of religion, and at his death was working on a book manuscript on the problem of political authority.

This book explores the economic institutions that determine the nature of animal lives as systematically exploited objects traded in a market economy. It examines human roles and choice in the system, including the economic logic of agriculture, experimentation, and animal ownership, and analyses the marginalization of ethical action in the economic system. Animals and the Economy demonstrates that individual consumers and farmers are often left with few truly animal-friendly choices. Ethical participants in the economy must either face down an array of institutional barriers, or exit mainstream markets entirely. This book argues that these issues are not necessary elements of a market system, and evaluates a number of policy changes that could improve the lives of animals in the context of a market economy.

Alfred Sohn-Rethel located the origin of philosophical abstraction in the "false conciousness" brought about by the new money economy of Greek Antiquity. In the Enlightenment the conceptual barrier Kant put between phenomenal reality and the "thing-in-itself" expressed, in Sohn-Rethel s view, the reified consciousness stemming from commodity-exchange and the division of mental and manual labor. Because Sohn-Rethel saw the entire history of philosophy as branded by a timeless universal logic, he dismissed Hegel s concept of "totality" as "idealist" and Hegel s critique of Kantian dualism as irrelevant to Marx s critique of political economy. David Black, in the title essay of The Philosophical Roots of Anti-Capitalism, suggests, contra Sohn-Rethel, that Marx s exposition of the fetishism of commodities is historically-specific to capitalist production, and therefore cannot explain the origins of philosophy, which Black shows to have involved various historical developments in Greek society and culture as well as monetization. Just as Hegel s critique of Kantian formalism informs Marx s critique of capital, Hegel s writings on how the proper organization of labor might abolish the barrier Aristotle put between production and the "Realm of Freedom" prefigure Marx's efforts to formulate of an alternative to capitalism. Part Two, Critique of the Situationist Dialectic: Art, Class Consciousness and Reification, begins with Surrealism, whose "disappearance" as a revolutionary artistic and social force Guy Debord and the Situationists sought to make up for by superseding the poetry of Art with the poetry of Life. As well highlighting Debord s achievements in both theory and practice, Black points to his philosophical shortcomings and relates these to Debord s later "pessimistic" assessment of the possibility of revolutionary class consciousness within globalizing capitalism. The four essays in Part Three cover the Aristotelian anarchism, the ambivalent legacy of Lukacs' theory of reification, Raya Dunayevskaya s Hegelian-Marxist concept of "absolute negativity" as "revolution in permanance," and Gillian Rose s philosophical challenge to both postmodernism and "traditional" Marxism.

Negotiating Capability and Diaspora: A Philosophical Politics scrutinizes Indian economist cum philosopher Amartya Sen s theory of capability, which rose as a critique of the modern American philosopher John Rawls s theory of primary goods. Ashmita Khasnabish develops Sen s theory of capability as a leitmotif throughout the book. She focuses on the following themes: 1) how Amartya Sen s theory of capability offers strength to immigrants and underdogs; 2) the significance of John Rawls s theory for Sen s theory of capability; 3) two aspects of Sen s theory: on the one hand it exposes the asymmetry between people of power and the powerless due to the discrepancy of resources, and on the other hand it shows how the powerless or the underdogs or the minorities could exert their will-power through the paradigm of choices to overcome; 4) finally, Sri Aurobindo s theory of democracy, which intersects with John Rawls s theory of comprehensive doctrines and political justice. Khasnabish also discusses authors Amitav Ghosh, Jhumpa Lahiri, and Toni Morrison, whose novels illustrate different facets of the theory of capability. Negotiating Capability and Diaspora develops themes that will be of great interest to students and scholars of political philosophy, feminist philosophy, postcolonial studies, literary studies, Diaspora studies, and world literature."

The essays in this book examine the political activities and institutions of pre-Imperial Rome in conjunction with the habits of the hearts and the minds of the Romans. Relying on the writings of ancient authors, the essays analyze significant political developments and events. They attempt to draw out the meaning of what the authors say and impose no theory on the ancient writings. Nor do they pursue the methodological techniques of contemporary historiography. While avoiding such common present-day anachronisms, they take their guidance directly from the ancient historians themselves and examine their understanding of Rome s political history and culture. Harking back to the ancient view that a political culture or regime is both a city s form of government and its way of life, the essays, trying to be true to the full character of Roman political life, seek to understand the political activities and the souls of the Romans, and to understand each in the light of the other."

This book presents an answer to the question of why modern legal institutions and the idea of citizenship are important for leading a free life. The majority of views in political and legal philosophy regard the law merely as a useful instrument, employed to render our lives more secure and to enable us to engage in cooperate activities more efficiently. The view developed here defends a non-instrumentalist alternative of why the law matters. It identifies the law as a constitutive feature of our identities as citizens of modern states. The constitutivist argument rests on the (Kantian) assumption that a person's practical identity (its normative self-conception as an agent) is the result of its actions. The law co-constitutes these identities because it maintains the external conditions that are necessary for the actions performed under its authority. Modern legal institutions provide these external prerequisites for achieving a high degree of individual self-constitution and freedom. Only public principles can establish our status as individuals who pursue their life plans and actions as a matter of right and not because others contingently happen to let us do so. The book thereby provides resources for a reply to anarchist challenges to the necessity of legal ordering.

This book develops a philosophico-methodological analysis of prediction and its role in economics. Prediction plays a key role in economics in various ways. It can be seen as a basic science, as an applied science and in the application of this science. First, it is used by economic theory in order to test the available knowledge. In this regard, prediction has been presented as the scientific test for economics as a science. Second, prediction provides a content regarding the possible future that can be used for prescription in applied economics. Thus, it can be used as a guide for economic policy, i.e., as knowledge concerning the future to be employed for the resolution of specific problems. Third, prediction also has a role in the application of this science in the public arena. This is through the decision-making of the agents - individuals or organizations - in quite different settings, both in the realm of microeconomics and macroeconomics. Within this context, the research is organized in five parts, which discuss relevant aspects of the role of prediction in economics: I) The problem of prediction as a test for a science; II) The general orientation in methodology of science and the problem of prediction as a scientific test; III) The methodological framework of social sciences and economics: Incidence for prediction as a test; IV) Epistemology and methodology of economic prediction: Rationality and empirical approaches and V) Methodological aspects of economic prediction: From description to prescription. Thus, the book is of interest for philosophers and economists as well as policy-makers seeking to ascertain the roots of their performance. The style used lends itself to a wide audience.

Situated at the intersection of animal studies and literary theory, this book explores the remarkable and subtly pervasive web of animal imagery, metaphors, and concepts in the work of the Jewish-Italian writer, chemist, and Holocaust survivor Primo Levi (1919-1987). Relatively unexamined by scholars, the complex and extensive animal imagery Levi employed in his literary works offers new insights into the aesthetical and ethical function of testimony, as well as an original perspective on contemporary debates surrounding human-animal relationships and posthumanism. The three main sections that compose the book mirror Levi's approach to non-human animals and animality: from an unquestionable bio-ethical origin ("Suffering"); through an investigation of the relationships between writing, technology, and animality ("Techne"); to a creative intellectual project in which literary animals both counterbalance the inevitable suffering of all creatures, and suggest a transformative image of interspecific community ("Creation").

This edited collection from international leading scholars considers the long overlooked concept of hospitality in the field of international relations and political theory.
Hospitality provides a new framework for understanding many of the challenges in world politics today, from the search for peaceable relations between states, to asylum and refugee crises, to the policy of settler societies towards indigenous peoples. Reflection on hospitality also helps to further our understanding of the place of the stranger, specifically the welcome of the stranger, in a field that has been too willing to either discount moral obligations to foreigners or to reduce the foreigner to that known entity: the future fellow citizen of the world.
Contributors include: Garrett Wallace Brown (University of Sheffield, UK), Dan Bulley (Queen's University Belfast, Ireland), Georg Cavallar (University of Vienna, Austria), Renee Jeffery (Australian National University, Australia), Jimmy Casas Klausen (University of Wisconsin, USA), Nicholas Onuf (Florida International University, USA), Haig Patapan (Griffith University, Australia) and Erin K. Wilson (University of Gronigen, The Netherlands).

Dialectics in Social Thought examines the work of thinkers who used dialectics in their attempts to understand the world. Among them are foundational thinkers such as Marx, Freud, and Nietzsche; seminal social critics of the last century such as Camus and Sartre; and current contributors like Badiou, Ranciere, and Zizek.

This edited volume offers a new approach to understanding social conventions by way of Martin Heidegger. It connects the philosopher's conceptions of the anyone, everydayness, and authenticity with an analysis and critique of social normativity. Heidegger's account of the anyone is ambiguous. Some see it as a good description of human sociality, others think of it as an important critique of modern mass society. This volume seeks to understand this ambiguity as reflecting the tension between the constitutive function of conventions for human action and the critical aspects of conformism. It argues that Heidegger's anyone should neither be reduced to its pejorative nor its constitutive dimension. Rather, the concept could show how power and norms function. This volume would be of interest to scholars and students of philosophy and the social sciences who wish to investigate the social applications of the works of Martin Heidegger.

Striking cultural developments took place in the twelfth century which led to what historians have termed 'the emergence of the individual.' The Medieval Fold demonstrates how cultural developments typically associated with this twelfth-century renaissance autobiography, lyric, courtly love, romance can be traced to the Church's cultivation of individualism. However, subjects did not submit to pastoral power passively, they constructed fantasies and behaviors, redeploying or 'folding' it to create new forms of life and culture. Incorporating the work of Nietzsche, Foucault, Lacan, and Deleuze, Suzanne Verderber presents a model of the subject in which the opposition between interior self and external world is dislodged.

This book focuses on the ethical demands of extreme poverty and develops a political theory of practical change. Welding together political realism and moral aspirations, it argues that a re-imagined form of development NGO can help the global North break free from the dominant and persistent charity paradigm and drift towards a justice-based understanding of extreme poverty. It offers an original explanation of why the charity paradigm persists and why the "justice not charity" messages from development NGOs have changed few minds. The author argues that anyone concerned with a paradigm shift from charity to justice need to radically rethink the problem of political communication: who should communicate what messages about extreme poverty in what ways? Based on a rational choice critique of the competitive development NGO sector, the author calls for sector-wide reform and the emergence of a new political agent - the Avant-garde NGO - which transcends the charity frame that NGOs currently find themselves locked in. Further, inspired by literary theory and social psychology, he offers a fresh account of how the Avant-garde NGO could, through reflective public engagement, induce attitude change and lead genuine social and political reform.

The first book to investigate the relevance of Theodor W. Adorno's work for theorizing the age of neoliberal capitalism. Through an engagement with Adorno's critical theory of society, Charles Prusik advances a novel approach to understanding the origins and development of neoliberalism. Offering a corrective to critics who define neoliberalism as an economic or political doctrine, Prusik argues that Adorno's dialectical theory of society can provide the basis for explaining the illusions and forms of domination that structure contemporary life. Prusik explains the importance of Marx's critique of commodity fetishism in shaping Adorno's work and focuses on the related concepts of exchange, ideology, and natural history as powerful tools for grasping the present. Through an engagement with the ideas of neoliberal economic theory, Adorno and Neoliberalism criticizes the naturalization of capitalist institutions, social relations, ideology, and cultural forms. Revealing its origins in the crises of the Fordist period, Prusik develops Adorno's analyses of class, exploitation, monopoly, and reification to situate neoliberal policies as belonging to the fundamental antagonisms of capitalist society.

This book presents Heidegger as a thinker of revolution. Understanding revolution as an occurrence whereby the previously unforeseeable comes to appear as inevitable, the temporal character of such an event is explored through Heidegger's discussion of temporality and historicity. Beginning with his magnum opus, Being and Time, Heidegger is shown to have undertaken a radical rethinking of time in terms of human action, understood as involving both doing and making and as implicated in an interplay of the opportune moment (kairos) and temporal continuity (chronos). Developing this theme through his key writings of the early 1930s, the book shows how Heidegger's analyses of truth and freedom led to an increasingly dialectical account of time and action culminating in his phenomenology of the - artistic and political - 'work'. A context is thus given for Heidegger's political engagement in 1933. While diagnosing the moral failure of this engagement, the book defends Heidegger's account of the time of human action and shows it to foreshadow his later thought of a 'new beginning'.

Contemporary debates on immigration, multiculturalism, nationalism, and linguistic rights often find language policy scholars and political philosophers at odds. This book aims to assess the obstacles and build bridges between scholars of language policy and political theory with chapters by Stephen May, Ronald Schmidt, Jr., Daniel Weinstock, Thomas Ricento, Yael Peled and Peter Ives. Along with an introduction by the editors, the chapters map out the contours of the debates and potential contributions that political theory can make to language policy and vice-versa. The book offers an appraisal of current research, areas of contestation and a framework for future interdisciplinary inquiry on the complex interface between language, power and ethics. This collection will be useful for scholars from diverse disciplinary perspectives with interests in contemporary societal debates in which language plays an important-even central-role. Previously published in Language Policy, Volume 13, Issue 4, 2014

Friday is the New Saturday makes a compelling, provocative and timely case for societal change. Drawing on an eclectic range of economic theory, history and data, Dr Pedro Gomes argues that a four-day working week will bring about a powerful economic renewal for the benefit of all society. It will stimulate demand, productivity, innovation and wages, whilst reducing unemployment and crushing populist movements. The arguments come from both the left and right of the political spectrum to show that a polarised society can still find common ground. In the 1800s, people in the West worked six days each week, resting on Sundays. In the 1900s, firms began to give workers Saturdays off as well, realising that a two-day weekend helped the economy. In the 2000s, Friday will become the new Saturday, and we will never look back.

This book provides a historical-sociological analysis of the history of sociology in Belgium from the late-nineteenth until the early-twenty-first century. It sheds new light on the social structures that shaped and shape the orientations and work of sociologists in Belgium. The impact of three structural factors is discussed in more detail: religion, language and publication imperatives. Starting from analyses of these structural factors, this book presents a detailed analysis of the genesis and institutionalization of different sociologies in Belgium. It sheds light on the kinds of sociological knowledge that are or are not valued in Belgium. This book constitutes an important contribution to the sociological history of sociology and the development of a reflective historical sociology, and will appeal to students and scholars of social theory, as well as readers interested in the history of Contemporary Belgium.

The foreign policy writings of John Rawls and Amartya Sen provide insight and clarity into some of the most difficult problems confronting humanity. What is the most effective strategy of national defense? Does an effective strategy of national defense involve the possession of nuclear weapons? Why must the right to vote-and the right to health care and the right to an education and the right to employment-center the foreign policy of a democracy? These are questions Rawls and Sen raise and answer in their writings. This book describes the foreign policy of Rawls and Sen while building up towards a policy recommendation. Human rights protect civilians from heads of state and their armies-and the foreign policy of a democracy must promote human rights. But the nature of this recommendation is very specific. By redirecting some military spending to development goals, the core needs of more civilians can be better met while simultaneously advancing human security. http://www.bu.edu/today/2013/pov-nuclear-armament-is-a-lose-lose/ http://www.bu.edu/today/2014/pov-to-stop-bad-guys-ratify-the-united-nations-arms-trade-treaty/