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The resurgence of nationalism in the nineties has lead to the
development of a growing body of literature on the many dimensions
of this modern phenomena. Nationalism has drawn a new kind of
scholarly attention: first in the social sciences, and then in
moral and political philosophy. It is unfortunate, however, that
most of the stimulating debates around the subject have been
limited by individual disciplinary boundaries. The Politics of
Belonging: Nationalism, Liberalism, and Pluralism represents the
opening of a dialogue between the social sciences, the moral, and
political philosophers. It also bridges the North Atlantic, opening
a discussion between Europeans and North Americans who study
nationalism. Authors in this volume deal with two main questions:
the linkage between political liberalism and nationalism and the
challenge of pluralism. Alain Dieckhoff has brought together an
impressive group of contributors who, together, carry out an
incisive investigation into these debates which are decisive for
fostering democracy in modern nation states. This volume is an an
indispensable resource for anyone dealing with questions of
identity, ethnicity, and nationalism.
Winner, 2002 French Translation Prize for Nonfiction Murderous
Consent details our implication in violence we do not directly
inflict but in which we are structurally complicit: famines, civil
wars, political repression in far-away places, and war, as it's
classically understood. Marc Crepon insists on a bond between
ethics and politics and attributes violence to our treatment of the
two as separate spheres. We repeatedly resist the call to
responsibility, as expressed by the appeal-by peoples across the
world-for the care and attention that their vulnerability enjoins.
But Crepon argues that this resistance is not ineluctable, and the
book searches for ways that enable us to mitigate it, through
rebellion, kindness, irony, critique, and shame. In the process, he
engages with a range of writers, from Camus, Sartre, and Freud, to
Stefan Zweig and Karl Kraus, to Kenzaburo Oe, Emmanuel Levinas and
Judith Butler. The resulting exchange between philosophy and
literature enables Crepon to delineate the contours of a
possible/impossible ethicosmopolitics-an ethicosmopolitics to come.
Pushing against the limits of liberal rationalism, Crepon calls for
a more radical understanding of interpersonal responsibility. Not
just a work of philosophy but an engagement with life as it's
lived, Murderous Consent works to redefine our global obligations,
articulating anew what humanitarianism demands and what an
ethically grounded political resistance might mean.
Winner, 2002 French Translation Prize for Nonfiction Murderous
Consent details our implication in violence we do not directly
inflict but in which we are structurally complicit: famines, civil
wars, political repression in far-away places, and war, as it's
classically understood. Marc Crepon insists on a bond between
ethics and politics and attributes violence to our treatment of the
two as separate spheres. We repeatedly resist the call to
responsibility, as expressed by the appeal-by peoples across the
world-for the care and attention that their vulnerability enjoins.
But Crepon argues that this resistance is not ineluctable, and the
book searches for ways that enable us to mitigate it, through
rebellion, kindness, irony, critique, and shame. In the process, he
engages with a range of writers, from Camus, Sartre, and Freud, to
Stefan Zweig and Karl Kraus, to Kenzaburo Oe, Emmanuel Levinas and
Judith Butler. The resulting exchange between philosophy and
literature enables Crepon to delineate the contours of a
possible/impossible ethicosmopolitics-an ethicosmopolitics to come.
Pushing against the limits of liberal rationalism, Crepon calls for
a more radical understanding of interpersonal responsibility. Not
just a work of philosophy but an engagement with life as it's
lived, Murderous Consent works to redefine our global obligations,
articulating anew what humanitarianism demands and what an
ethically grounded political resistance might mean.
There are few philosophical questions to which Charles Taylor has
not devoted his attention. His work has made powerful contributions
to our understanding of action, language, and mind. He has had a
lasting impact on our understanding of the way in which the social
sciences should be practised, taking an interpretive stance in
opposition to dominant positivist methodologies. Taylor's powerful
critiques of atomistic versions of liberalism have redefined the
agenda of political philosophers. He has produced prodigious
intellectual histories aiming to excavate the origins of the way in
which we have construed the modern self, and of the complex
intellectual and spiritual trajectories that have culminated in
modern secularism. Despite the apparent diversity of Taylor's work,
it is driven by a unified vision. Throughout his writings, Taylor
opposes reductive conceptions of the human and of human societies
that empiricist and positivist thinkers from David Hume to B.F.
Skinner believed would lend rigour to the human sciences. In their
place, Taylor has articulated a vision of humans as interpretive
beings who can be understood neither individually nor collectively
without reference to the fundamental goods and values through which
they make sense of their lives. The contributors to this volume,
all distinguished philosophers and social theorists in their own
right, offer critical assessments of Taylor's writings. Taken
together, they provide the reader with an unrivalled perspective on
the full extent of Charles Taylor's contribution to modern
philosophy.
J.L. Moreno writes: "Being a genius does not consist only of having
ideas. This is essential, but is a far later phase of genius. Being
a genius starts with a feeling of being in contact with the whole
universe, a feeling of totality, being fed by it free of charge and
feeding it gratefully in return." In this book, the presentation of
his life, vision, and life's work, Moreno gives countless portals
for the opening of contact with the whole universe, to a feeling of
totality. This totality is what motivated him, and has also
motivated the editor for much of his life. The direct felt
experience of this totality is at the center of religious,
existential, and spiritual traditions, and in this book we have an
uncloaked method for the same enlightenment process. The totality
and wholeness of life can be found in the enactment of Moreno's
method. What can be greater than to really live this and to give it
to others?
The resurgence of nationalism in the nineties has lead to the
development of a growing body of literature on the many dimensions
of this modern phenomena. Nationalism has drawn a new kind of
scholarly attention: first in the social sciences, and then in
moral and political philosophy. It is unfortunate, however, that
most of the stimulating debates around the subject have been
limited by individual disciplinary boundaries. The Politics of
Belonging: Nationalism, Liberalism, and Pluralism represents the
opening of a dialogue between the social sciences, the moral, and
political philosophers. It also bridges the North Atlantic, opening
a discussion between Europeans and North Americans who study
nationalism. Authors in this volume deal with two main questions:
the linkage between political liberalism and nationalism and the
challenge of pluralism. Alain Dieckhoff has brought together an
impressive group of contributors who, together, carry out an
incisive investigation into these debates which are decisive for
fostering democracy in modern nation states. This volume is an an
indispensable resource for anyone dealing with questions of
identity, ethnicity, and nationalism.
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