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While examining the arguments made in favor of egalitarianism, this
book debunks the notion that the United States is now or has ever
been a nation offering equal opportunity to all. In the Declaration
of Independence, Jefferson famously asserted that "all men are
created equal." Likewise, social mobility—the idea that any child
can grow up to be president—has been key to the myth of what
makes America great. Yet the hard truth is that inequality of both
opportunity and resulting condition has been a defining feature of
America's story. Written by a comparative labor historian, this
book combines economic and social history with intellectual history
to reveal the major trends of inequality that have been evident in
America from Revolutionary times through the present. The book
opens with an introduction to the burgeoning issue of inequality in
America. The following chronological chapters describe how
inequality was manifest in various periods. Each chapter not only
provides a full survey of the secondary literature related to the
topic of inequality in the particular time period but also examines
prescriptions from thinkers who espoused equality, including Thomas
Paine, Thomas Skidmore, Henry George, Jane Addams, Upton Sinclair,
and Harry Caudill. By assessing these and other arguments relevant
to social change, the work helps readers understand the cases made
for and against equality of opportunity and condition throughout
U.S. history.
For working-class life writers in nineteenth century Britain,
happiness was a multifaceted emotion: a concept that could describe
experiences of hedonic pleasure, foster and deepen social
relationships, drive individuals to self-improvement, and lead them
to look back over their lives and evaluate whether they were
well-lived. However, not all working-class autobiographers shared
the same concepts or valorizations of happiness, as variables such
as geography, gender, political affiliation, and social and
economic mobility often influenced the way they defined and
experienced their emotional lives. The Happiness of the British
Working Class employs and analyzes over 350 autobiographies of
individuals in England, Scotland, and Ireland to explore the
sources of happiness of British working people born before 1870.
Drawing from careful examinations of their personal narratives,
Jamie L. Bronstein investigates the ways in which working people
thought about the good life as seen through their experiences with
family and friends, rewarding work, interaction with the natural
world, science and creativity, political causes and religious
commitments, and physical and economic struggles. Informed by the
history of emotions and the philosophical and social-scientific
literature on happiness, this book reflects broadly on the
industrial-era working-class experience in an era of immense social
and economic change.
For working-class life writers in nineteenth century Britain,
happiness was a multifaceted emotion: a concept that could describe
experiences of hedonic pleasure, foster and deepen social
relationships, drive individuals to self-improvement, and lead them
to look back over their lives and evaluate whether they were
well-lived. However, not all working-class autobiographers shared
the same concepts or valorizations of happiness, as variables such
as geography, gender, political affiliation, and social and
economic mobility often influenced the way they defined and
experienced their emotional lives. The Happiness of the British
Working Class employs and analyzes over 350 autobiographies of
individuals in England, Scotland, and Ireland to explore the
sources of happiness of British working people born before 1870.
Drawing from careful examinations of their personal narratives,
Jamie L. Bronstein investigates the ways in which working people
thought about the good life as seen through their experiences with
family and friends, rewarding work, interaction with the natural
world, science and creativity, political causes and religious
commitments, and physical and economic struggles. Informed by the
history of emotions and the philosophical and social-scientific
literature on happiness, this book reflects broadly on the
industrial-era working-class experience in an era of immense social
and economic change.
By exploring in detail land reform movements in Britain and the
United States, this book transcends traditional labor history and
conceptions of class to deepen our understanding of the social,
political, and economic history of both countries in the nineteenth
century.
Although divided by their diverse experiences of industrialization,
and living in countries with different amounts of available land,
many working people in both Britain and the United States dreamed
of free or inexpensive land to release them from the grim
conditions of the 1840's: depressing, overcrowded cities, low wages
or unemployment, and stifling lives. Focusing on the Chartist Land
Company, the Potters' Joint-Stock Emigration Society, and the
American National Reform movement, this study analyses the ideas
that motivated workers to turn to land reform, the creation of
working-class land reform cultures and identities among both men
and women, and the international communication that enabled the
formation of a transatlantic movement.
Though there were similarities in the ideas behind the land reform
movements, in their organizational strategies, and in their
relationships with other reform movements in the two countries, the
author's examination of their grassroots constituencies reveals key
differences. In the United States, land reformers included small
proprietors as well as artisans and factory workers. In Britain, by
contrast, at least a quarter of Chartist Land Company participants
lived in cotton-manufacturing towns, strongholds of unpropertied
workers and radical activity.
When the land reform movements came into contact with the organs of
the press and government, the differences in membership became
crucial. The Chartist Land Company was repressed by a government
alarmed at the prospect of workers' autonomy, and the Potters'
Joint-Stock Emigration Society died the natural death of straitened
finances, but the American land reform movement experienced some
measure of success--so much so that during the revolution in
American political parties during the 1850's, land reform, once a
radical issue, became a mainstream plank in the Republican platform
"Caught in the Machinery" draws on social, cultural, and legal
history to bring to life the dangers facing working people in Great
Britain between 1800 and the first British Employer's Liability Act
of 1880. Autobiographies, songs, and broadsides provide a window
onto the cultural meanings of workplace accidents and contrast
those meanings with the views of humanitarian onlookers and the
Victorian press. The book is uniquely attentive to the broader
Anglo-American context; in the nineteenth century, Great Britain
and the United States shared a common-law regime that was
singularly unfriendly to workers, but each country eventually
developed workers' compensation in response to very different sets
of pressures.
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