I was inspired by the Holy Spirit of God to write a book pertaining to my life experiences with God. I pray that this book will inspire many people, and encourage them to obtain an intimate relationship with God. If someone would have written a book such as this, many lives would have been saved, and many people would have been blessed. Through it all, you will see how God truly changed my life. My life was a total mess from the ground up, until God stepped in, and lifted me out of the miry clay. He is now building my house upon a rock, and helping me to establish a strong, and solid foundation. I could have died, and been placed in a mental institution because of people who do not believe, or understand my experiences with God. I didn't because my Father (God) carried me, Jesus beared my burdens, saved me, graced me, cleansed me, and sent the Holy Spirit to intercede for me.

Adam Smith is commonly conceived as either an economist or a moral philosopher so his importance as a political thinker has been somewhat neglected and, at times, even denied. This book reveals the integrated, deeply political project that lies at the heart of Smith's thought, showing both the breadth and novelty of Smith's approach to political thought. A key argument running through the book is that attempts to locate Smith on the left-right spectrum (however that was interpreted in the eighteenth century) are mistaken: his position was ultimately dictated by his social scientific and economic thought rather than by ideology or principle. Through examining Smith's political interests and positions, this book reveals that apparent tensions in Smith's thought are generally a function of his willingness to abandon, not only proto-liberal principles, but even the principles of his own social science when the achievement of good outcomes was at stake. Despite the common perception, negative liberty was not the be-all and end-all for Smith; rather, welfare was his main concern and he should therefore be understood as a thinker just as interested in what we would now call positive liberty. The book will uniquely show that Smith's approach was basically coherent, not muddled, ad hoc, or 'full of slips'; in other words, that it is a system unified by his social science and his practical desire to maximise welfare.

Adam Ferguson (1723-1816) was a major figure of the Scottish Enlightenment whose thought was, in many respects, original and distinctive. This book is a study of his ideas and of the intellectual forces that shaped them.

Though somewhat overlooked in the nineteenth century, Ferguson was rescued from obscurity in the first half of the twentieth century by scholars interested in the origins of sociology and early critiques of modernity. Fergusona (TM)s interest in the mechanics of social life and especially social change led him to many groundbreaking insights. In fact, he is sometimes identified as the 'Father of Modern Sociology'. In addition to exploring whether or not he merits this title, this study examines the whole of Fergusona (TM)s thought as a system and includes his moral and faculty psychology, historiography, theology, politics and social science.

Ferguson is distinguished by his deep appreciation of the complexity of the human condition; his study of society is based on the belief that it is not only reason, but the unseen, unplanned, sub-rational and visceral forces that keep the human universe in motion. Fergusona (TM)s appreciation of this fact, and his ability to make social science of it, is his major achievement.

This book uniquely recovers and assesses Stoic political thought by tracking its uptake into Western modernity and exploring the extent of its impact. Classical Stoicism has lately seen a popular resurgence inspiring self-help books and therapeutic treatments for anxiety and depression. As a scholarly source for the Western political tradition, it is even more important. Yet, as A.A. Long once observed: "[o]f all the ancient philosophies, Stoicism has probably had the most diffused" yet least "adequately acknowledged influence on Western thought." This close textual study not only provides the first systematic study of the political content of Stoic thought but also establishes the hitherto under-appreciated influence of classical Stoicism on the political thought of the long eighteenth century and beyond in Europe and particularly Britain. The Stoic ideas upon which we focus include their cosmopolitanism, their contribution to sociability and self-interest debates, their influence on modern feminism and utilitarianism, and their prefiguration of modern conceptions of personal rights.

This volume is primarily concerned with equality as a basic component of the democratic character of representation. In other words, of the many types of equality that have attracted the attention of theorists since democracy's beginnings - arithmetic equality, equality before the law, equality of opportunity- we would like to draw attention to representational equality, that is, the role of equality in systems of democratic representation. In what form is equality present in traditional forms of electoral representation? How can it be secured in new forms of representation, such as claims-making, deliberative, klerotarian and epistemic representation? And to what extent are electoral or non-electoral models of representation able to accommodate increasing social inequalities? The articles in this volume discuss these issues from a normative and conceptual point of view, seeking to shed new light on the important but under-explored relationship between equality and representation. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

This volume is primarily concerned with equality as a basic component of the democratic character of representation. In other words, of the many types of equality that have attracted the attention of theorists since democracy's beginnings - arithmetic equality, equality before the law, equality of opportunity- we would like to draw attention to representational equality, that is, the role of equality in systems of democratic representation. In what form is equality present in traditional forms of electoral representation? How can it be secured in new forms of representation, such as claims-making, deliberative, klerotarian and epistemic representation? And to what extent are electoral or non-electoral models of representation able to accommodate increasing social inequalities? The articles in this volume discuss these issues from a normative and conceptual point of view, seeking to shed new light on the important but under-explored relationship between equality and representation. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

This new study reveals how institutional practices and discourses shape the way men and women are conceived of, and how through this process, gender stereotypes and expectations are created. Informed by the latest research and trends, these expert authors examine the way in which domestic and global institutions shape and reflect gender interests and the extent to which feminists can challenge gender norms through political institutions. They examine regional, national and international institutions including the EU, ICC and UN and take a broad view of political institutions to include bureaucracy; federalism; legal structures; parliaments; voting and electoral institutions; and media coverage of women's involvement in such institutions. Drawing on experiences in the US, UK, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of gender studies, political science and comparative politics.

This new study reveals how institutional practices and discourses shape the way men and women are conceived of, and how through this process, gender stereotypes and expectations are created.

Informed by the latest research and trends, these expert authors examine the way in which domestic and global institutions shape and reflect gender interests and the extent to which feminists can challenge gender norms through political institutions.

They examine regional, national and international institutions including the EU, ICC and UN and take a broad view of political institutions to include bureaucracy; federalism; legal structures; parliaments; voting and electoral institutions; and media coverage of womena (TM)s involvement in such institutions.

Drawing on experiences in the US, UK, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of gender studies, political science and comparative politics.

This book uniquely recovers and assesses Stoic political thought by tracking its uptake into Western modernity and exploring the extent of its impact. Classical Stoicism has lately seen a popular resurgence inspiring self-help books and therapeutic treatments for anxiety and depression. As a scholarly source for the Western political tradition, it is even more important. Yet, as A.A. Long once observed: "[o]f all the ancient philosophies, Stoicism has probably had the most diffused" yet least "adequately acknowledged influence on Western thought." This close textual study not only provides the first systematic study of the political content of Stoic thought but also establishes the hitherto under-appreciated influence of classical Stoicism on the political thought of the long eighteenth century and beyond in Europe and particularly Britain. The Stoic ideas upon which we focus include their cosmopolitanism, their contribution to sociability and self-interest debates, their influence on modern feminism and utilitarianism, and their prefiguration of modern conceptions of personal rights.

In many democracies, voter turnout is low and getting lower. If the people choose not to govern themselves, should they be forced to do so? For Jason Brennan, compulsory voting is unjust and a petty violation of citizens' liberty. The median non-voter is less informed and rational, as well as more biased than the median voter. According to Lisa Hill, compulsory voting is a reasonable imposition on personal liberty. Hill points to the discernible benefits of compulsory voting and argues that high turnout elections are more democratically legitimate. The authors both well-known for their work on voting and civic engagement debate questions such as: Do citizens have a duty to vote, and is it an enforceable duty? Does compulsory voting violate citizens' liberty? If so, is this sufficient grounds to oppose it? Or is it a justifiable violation? Might it instead promote liberty on the whole? Is low turnout a problem, or a blessing? Does compulsory voting produce better government? Or, might it instead produce worse government? Might it, in fact, have little effect overall on the quality of government?"

Adam Ferguson (1723-1816) was a major figure of the Scottish Enlightenment whose thought was, in many respects, original and distinctive. This book is a study of his ideas and of the intellectual forces that shaped them. Though somewhat overlooked in the nineteenth century, Ferguson was rescued from obscurity in the first half of the twentieth century by scholars interested in the origins of sociology and early critiques of modernity. Ferguson's interest in the mechanics of social life and especially social change led him to many groundbreaking insights. In fact, he is sometimes identified as the 'Father of Modern Sociology'. In addition to exploring whether or not he merits this title, this study examines the whole of Ferguson's thought as a system and includes his moral and faculty psychology, historiography, theology, politics and social science. Ferguson is distinguished by his deep appreciation of the complexity of the human condition; his study of society is based on the belief that it is not only reason, but the unseen, unplanned, sub-rational and visceral forces that keep the human universe in motion. Ferguson's appreciation of this fact, and his ability to make social science of it, is his major achievement.

This open access book represents the first comprehensive, Australia-focused treatment of the problem of false election information disseminated for the purpose of gaining an electoral advantage. It explores cautious legal regulation as the most effective and decisive approach to the issue. In doing so, the book demonstrates that, although experiments with such remedies have met with mixed success elsewhere, they are nevertheless viable, especially in Australia where they have strong public support and are able to withstand constitutional challenge.

Adam Smith is commonly conceived as either an economist or a moral philosopher so his importance as a political thinker has been somewhat neglected and, at times, even denied. This book reveals the integrated, deeply political project that lies at the heart of Smith's thought, showing both the breadth and novelty of Smith's approach to political thought. A key argument running through the book is that attempts to locate Smith on the left-right spectrum (however that was interpreted in the eighteenth century) are mistaken: his position was ultimately dictated by his social scientific and economic thought rather than by ideology or principle. Through examining Smith's political interests and positions, this book reveals that apparent tensions in Smith's thought are generally a function of his willingness to abandon, not only proto-liberal principles, but even the principles of his own social science when the achievement of good outcomes was at stake. Despite the common perception, negative liberty was not the be-all and end-all for Smith; rather, welfare was his main concern and he should therefore be understood as a thinker just as interested in what we would now call positive liberty. The book will uniquely show that Smith's approach was basically coherent, not muddled, ad hoc, or 'full of slips'; in other words, that it is a system unified by his social science and his practical desire to maximise welfare.

In many democracies, voter turnout is low and getting lower. If the people choose not to govern themselves, should they be forced to do so? For Jason Brennan, compulsory voting is unjust and a petty violation of citizens' liberty. The median non-voter is less informed and rational, as well as more biased than the median voter. According to Lisa Hill, compulsory voting is a reasonable imposition on personal liberty. Hill points to the discernible benefits of compulsory voting and argues that high turnout elections are more democratically legitimate. The authors both well-known for their work on voting and civic engagement debate questions such as: Do citizens have a duty to vote, and is it an enforceable duty? Does compulsory voting violate citizens' liberty? If so, is this sufficient grounds to oppose it? Or is it a justifiable violation? Might it instead promote liberty on the whole? Is low turnout a problem, or a blessing? Does compulsory voting produce better government? Or, might it instead produce worse government? Might it, in fact, have little effect overall on the quality of government?"

Triathlon the Ultimate Sport is the ultimate guide to taking your triathlon goals to the next level. This book is written and formatted to be easy to read and apply the information presented. Whether you are just starting out or finishing your tenth triathlon Triathlon the Ultimate Sport has something for everyone. In depth training plans for all levels, beginner, intermediate, and advanced. A 24 week Ironman distance training program, and scores of thoughts, tips, and tricks to make your training the best it can be. So put on your swim goggles, grease up your bike gears, and lace up those running shoes and get started.