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After War - The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy (Hardcover, New)
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After War - The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy (Hardcover, New)
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Why does liberal democracy take hold in some countries but not in
others? Why do we observe such different outcomes in military
interventions, from Germany and Japan to Afghanistan and Iraq? Do
efforts to export democracy help as much as they hurt? These are
some of the most enduring questions of our time.
Historically, the United States has attempted to generate change in
foreign countries by exporting liberal democratic institutions
through military occupation and reconstruction. Despite these
efforts, the record of U.S.-led reconstructions has been mixed, at
best. For every West Germany or Japan, there is a Cuba, Haiti,
Somalia, or Vietnam.
"After War" seeks to answer these critical foreign policy questions
by bringing an economic mindset to a topic that has been
traditionally tackled by historians, policymakers, and political
scientists. Economics focuses on how incentives influence human
action. Therefore, within an economic context, a successful
reconstruction entails finding and establishing a set of incentives
that makes citizens prefer a liberal democratic order. Coyne
examines the mechanisms and institutions that contribute to the
success of reconstruction programs by creating incentives for
sustained cooperation.
Coyne emphasizes that the main threat to Western nations in the
post-Cold War period will not come from a superpower, but rather
from weak, failed, and conflict-torn states--and rogue groups
within them. It is also critical to recognize that the dynamics at
work--cultural, historical, and social--in these modern states are
fundamentally different from those that the United States faced in
the reconstructions of West Germany and Japan. As such,
thesehistorical cases of successful reconstruction are poor models
for todays challenges. In Coynes view, policymakers and occupiers
face an array of internal and external constraints in dealing with
rogue states. These constraints are often greatest in the countries
most in need of the political, economic, and social change. The
irony is that these projects are least likely to succeed precisely
where they are most needed.
Coyne offers two bold alternatives to reconstruction programs that
could serve as catalysts for social change: principled
non-intervention and unilateral free trade. Coyne points to major
differences in these preferred approaches; whereas reconstruction
projects involve a period of coerced military occupation, free
trade-led reforms are voluntary. The book goes on to highlight the
economic and cultural benefits of free trade.
While Coyne contends that a commitment to non-intervention and free
trade may not lead to Western-style liberal democracies in
conflict-torn countries, such a strategy could lay the groundwork
for global peace.
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