Muhammadiyah, together with the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), are seen as the two pillars of moderate Islam in Indonesia. Muhammadiyah is currently often perceived to be the more conservative of the two and to have more affinity with Islamist groups. On political issues, for instance, it is steered by Islamist imagery. On cultural issues, Muhammadiyah is often guided by old enmity towards what is called the TBC (takhayul, bid'ah dan churafat; delusions, religious innovation without precedence in the Prophetic traditions and the Qur'an, and superstitions or irrational belief). This position has placed Muhammadiyah in an uneasy relationship with both local cultures and traditionalist Islam. Three issues that were raised in 2017-the banning of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), the recurrent controversy on the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), and the ruling of the Constitutional Court on Penghayat Kepercayaan-are issues where Muhammadiyah has been easily drawn towards Islamist and conservative tendencies. Be that as it may, Muhammadiyah remains a social movement guided by its long-held theology of al-M?`?n (kindness) and with a strong emphasis on social services. It is this doctrine that has prevented Muhammadiyah from dwelling on mythical or abstract issues and neutralized it against Islamism, making its members more realistic in viewing the world, more prone to distancing themselves from the utopian vision of a caliphate, from the dream of shariah as the Messiah that will solve every problem, and from the temptation to create an Islamic state. The "pragmatic Islamism" that Muhammadiyah has adopted allows it to handle social dynamics well.

Just like the Gutenberg revolution in the fifteenth century, which led to the emergence of non-conventional religious authority in the Christian world, the current information technology revolution, particularly through mediums such as Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and Twitter, has triggered the re-construction and decentralization of religious authority in Islam. New santri (pious individuals) and preachers emerged from the non-conventional religious educational system. They not only challenged the traditional authorities, but also redefine and re-conceptualize old religious terminologies, such as hijra and wasatiyya. This book explores the dynamics of religious authority in Indonesia with special attention to the challenges from the "new santri". It is a rich and important book on religion. I recommend students of religion in Indonesia and other countries to read it. Ahmad Syafi'i Maarif Professor Emeritus of History at Yogyakarta State University An important and timely volume that addresses the changing nature of Islamic leadership in the world's most popular Muslim country. This book debunks many (mis)perceptions that Indonesia Islam is monolithic. It also redefines dominant characterization of Islam by Orientalist scholars, such as santri and abangan Muslims. Haedar Nashir Chairman of Muhammadiyah This edited volume evaluates the new development of Islamic scholarship and authority in Indonesia. Things have changed significantly in recent times that make many observers and researchers wondering: has Indonesia moved from traditional authorities, mainstream Islamic organizations, and the established scholarship to the new actors, movements and platforms? Has the change occurs owing to the democratization and political reforms that took place in the last twenty years or are there other factors we need to take into account? The contributors in this book provide possible answers from many different areas and perspectives. It's a must-read! Nadirsyah Hosen Monash University, Australia

On 28 April 2021, the Indonesian government, under President Joko Widodo, dissolved the Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education (Kemenristek-Dikti). Since then, the management of higher education has been taken over by the Ministry of Education and Culture, while research and innovation are now the responsibility of the National Research and Innovation Agency (Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional, or BRIN). Based on Presidential Regulation (Perpres) Nos. 33 and 78 of 2021, various research institutes, such as LIPI, BATAN, LAPAN and BPPT, and research agencies in some ministries have been or will be merged into BRIN, making it a "super-government agency" with an "overarching" role. With a Rp26 trillion budget allocated by the government for research per year and with a large number of researchers, BRIN is expected to boost national research and innovation, and help the country catch up with countries such as Singapore and South Korea.