This book examines the role played by the parties themselves in two-party systems. It rejects the argument that the behavior of the parties is determined largely by social forces or by the supposed logic of the electoral market. Instead, it shows that both structure and agency can matter. It focuses on three major aspects of change in two-party systems: (i) why occasionally major parties (such as the British Liberals) collapse; (ii) why collapsed parties sometimes survive as minor parties, and sometimes do not; and (iii) what determines why, and how, major parties will ally themselves with minor parties in order to maximize their chances of winning.
With respect to the first aspect it is argued that major parties are advantaged by two factors: the resources they have accumulated already, and their occupying role similar to that called by Thomas Schelling a "focal arbiter." Consequently, party collapse is rare. When it has occurred in nation states it is the result of a major party having to fight opposition on "two separate fronts." The survival of a collapsed party depends largely on its internal structure; when a party has linked closely the ambitions of politicians at different levels of office, party elimination is more likely. The main arena in which agency is significant--that is, when leadership is possible, including the politician acting as heresthetician - is in the re-building of coalitions. This is necessary for maximizing the chances of a party winning, but, for various reasons, coalitions between major and minor parties are usually difficult to construct.
Comparative Politics is a series for scholars and students of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. The General Editor is David M. Farrell, Jean Monnet Chair in European Politics and Head of School of Social Sciences, University of Manchester. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research.

Democracy is a fine political system, but an expensive economic venture. Political parties and election campaigns cost money. Where does the money come from and at what sacrifice? Issues connected with political finance are significant but often neglected aspects of the process of democratization. Funding Democratization examines how money and politics interact in emerging democracies. The contributors investigate the funding of political parties in early North America, financial uncertainties of party formation in European countries, funding of democratization in new democracies, and the influence of funding on contenders for power. They also address the nature of political competition in countries that are seeking to embrace, often for the first time, the rules of democracy. They question in what ways politicians can help make democracy affordable. The volume compares important democratizing countries, such as Russia, Brazil, South Africa, Spain, and the regions of East Asia and East/Central Europe. It also investigates the lessons that emerging democracies can learn from the history of political finance in today's more established democracies. Funding Democratization will be of interest to political scientists and specialists in international social and political development.

This text is designed to give students a comprehensive view of the British electoral system. Its innovative comparative and theoretical approach will provide a link between courses in British politics, comparative politics and political theory. The book looks at electoral systems in relation to democratic theory and examines the justification for modern electoral rules. It compares parliamentary elections with various other kinds of election, and it looks at the differences between British experience and that of other countries. Andrew Reeve and Alan Ware aim to inform the debate about whether our electoral system should be reformed, by raising such crucial issues as the connection between democracy and the electoral process, the significance of the territorial dimension in the British electoral system, and the role the election system plays in allocating values in a society.

Corporate Risk and Governance addresses corporate risk management and governance requirements affecting large organizations in all industry sectors and countries. The book strongly advocates implementation of Corporate Governance Codes, ISO 31000 Risk Management, ISO 22301 Business Continuity Management and PAS 200 Crisis Management but warns against treating any standard or model slavishly, as if it can offer easy salvation or a simple route to a risk nirvana. Alan Waring challenges many hallowed beliefs, attitudes and practices that continue to hamper the delivery of effective Enterprise Risk Management (ERM) and thereby good governance. Those boardroom and corporate cultures that are complacent about risk exposures and risk management or, worse, encourage 'chancers' and a 'what can we get away with' attitude, are examined in depth along with what is required to embed a culture of responsible risk-taking. Some 75 cases from around the world provide graphic examples and lessons to be learned. Although the text includes some summary practical guidance, this book is designed primarily as a thinking aid rather than a risk management cookbook. It is something to encourage better informed risk-decision making; a more informed view of enterprise risk exposures, control and mitigation issues and an awareness of boardroom and corporate culture issues and their impact on effective ERM.

The contributions here consider a number of themes and issues which account for the successful democratization of the United States and Canada and offer an analysis of the reasons for the absence of democratization in Mexico.

Elections, the process by which representatives are chosen to vote and act on our behalf, have come to be accepted as an integral part of most democratic systems. But there are many varieties of electoral system: proportional representation and first-past-the-post are two very different systems currently in operation. The issue of whether the rules governing the current electoral process are in need of reform provokes perennial debate. Andrew Reeve and Alan Ware attempt to inform this debate by analyzing such critical questions as the role an electoral system plays in allocating values in a society, the significance of the territorial dimension, and the connection between democracy and the electoral process. The authors analyze these questions from both a comparative and a theoretical standpoint. They look at electoral systems in relation to democratic theory, examine justifications for some aspects of modern electoral rules, and link the study of electoral systems to that of voting systems. They compare parliamentary elections with various other kinds of election, and look at the differences between British experience and that of other countries. This book should be of interest to

This book examines the dynamics of the American party system and explores how contemporary American politics was formed. Specifically, it asks how the Democrats could become sufficiently competitive in the American North as to be able to construct a national political majority. It rejects the conventional account, based on 'realignment theory', that between the end of Reconstruction and the Civil Rights Revolution, the base level of support for the Democratic party varied greatly from one era to another. Instead, by distinguishing between the 'building blocks' available to the Democrats in coalition formation and the aggregation of those 'blocks' into an actual coalition, the author shows that there was much less variation over time in the available 'blocks' than is usually argued. Neither the economic depression of 1893 nor the New Deal had the impact on the party system that most political scientists claim.

Corporate Risk and Governance addresses corporate risk management and governance requirements affecting large organizations in all industry sectors and countries. The book strongly advocates implementation of Corporate Governance Codes, ISO 31000 Risk Management, ISO 22301 Business Continuity Management and PAS 200 Crisis Management but warns against treating any standard or model slavishly, as if it can offer easy salvation or a simple route to a risk nirvana. Alan Waring challenges many hallowed beliefs, attitudes and practices that continue to hamper the delivery of effective Enterprise Risk Management (ERM) and thereby good governance. Those boardroom and corporate cultures that are complacent about risk exposures and risk management or, worse, encourage 'chancers' and a 'what can we get away with' attitude, are examined in depth along with what is required to embed a culture of responsible risk-taking. Some 75 cases from around the world provide graphic examples and lessons to be learned. Although the text includes some summary practical guidance, this book is designed primarily as a thinking aid rather than a risk management cookbook. It is something to encourage better informed risk-decision making; a more informed view of enterprise risk exposures, control and mitigation issues and an awareness of boardroom and corporate culture issues and their impact on effective ERM.

This book provides a thorough and engaging analysis of inequality in Britain, including its long-term development and transformation since the beginning of the 20th century. The author argues that inequality is not what it used to be - no longer can policy-makers consider it just in terms of status, wealth and income. Having resurfaced strongly as an issue after the financial crisis of 2007-2008, a truly informed discussion of inequality must now be wide ranging and take account of a variety of interacting factors. They include both a radically different role for education in the labour market and the interests of future generations. Government policies, market failures and fundamental changes in British society and economy in earlier decades have all contributed to inequality's contemporary scope, its intensity and who it affects. Alan Ware traces and illuminates the altered nature of inequality in Britain, its consequences and especially its political implications. It offers a timely, concise and illuminating examination that will be of interest to all those concerned about inequality and, more broadly, to scholars and students of sociology, social/public policy, contemporary British history, political sociology and political theory.

This book provides a thorough and engaging analysis of inequality in Britain, including its long-term development and transformation since the beginning of the 20th century. The author argues that inequality is not what it used to be - no longer can policy-makers consider it just in terms of status, wealth and income. Having resurfaced strongly as an issue after the financial crisis of 2007-2008, a truly informed discussion of inequality must now be wide ranging and take account of a variety of interacting factors. They include both a radically different role for education in the labour market and the interests of future generations. Government policies, market failures and fundamental changes in British society and economy in earlier decades have all contributed to inequality's contemporary scope, its intensity and who it affects. Alan Ware traces and illuminates the altered nature of inequality in Britain, its consequences and especially its political implications. It offers a timely, concise and illuminating examination that will be of interest to all those concerned about inequality and, more broadly, to scholars and students of sociology, social/public policy, contemporary British history, political sociology and political theory.

Democracy is a fine political system, but an expensive economic venture. Political parties and election campaigns cost money. Where does the money come from and at what sacrifice? Issues connected with political finance are significant but often neglected aspects of the process of democratization. "Funding Democratization" examines how money and politics interact in emerging democracies. The contributors investigate the funding of political parties in early North America, financial uncertainties of party formation in European countries, funding of democratization in new democracies, and the influence of funding on contenders for power. They also address the nature of political competition in countries that are seeking to embrace, often for the first time, the rules of democracy. They question in what ways politicians can help make democracy affordable. The volume compares important democratizing countries, such as Russia, Brazil, South Africa, Spain, and the regions of East Asia and East/Central Europe. It also investigates the lessons that emerging democracies can learn from the history of political finance in today's more established democracies. "Funding Democratization" will be of interest to political scientists and specialists in international social and political development. "Peter Burnell" studied economics and politics at the University of Bristol before going on to complete his graduate studies with a dissertion on "The Political and Social Thought of Thomas Paine, 1737-1809," both at the University of Warwick. He is the founding joint editor of the journal "Democratization" and the accompanying book series Democratization Studies. Alan Ware is a professor of politics and a tutorial fellow in politics at Worcester College, Oxford University. His research interests include U.S. politics and comparative government.

This book examines the dynamics of the American party system and explores how contemporary American politics was formed. Specifically, it asks how the Democrats could become sufficiently competitive in the American North as to be able to construct a national political majority. It rejects the conventional account, based on 'realignment theory', that between the end of Reconstruction and the Civil Rights Revolution, the base level of support for the Democratic party varied greatly from one era to another. Instead, by distinguishing between the 'building blocks' available to the Democrats in coalition formation and the aggregation of those 'blocks' into an actual coalition, the author shows that there was much less variation over time in the available 'blocks' than is usually argued. Neither the economic depression of 1893 nor the New Deal had the impact on the party system that most political scientists claim.

This is the first major study of the origins of direct primary elections in the U.S. since the 1920s. It rejects the widely held view that primaries resulted from a conflict between anti-party reformers and so-called party "regulars." Instead, it shows that the direct primary was the result of an attempt, starting in the late 1880s, by mainstream party politicians to subject their previously informal procedures to formal rules. Politicians turned to the direct primary because it proved impossible to make effective changes to the caucus-convention system of nominating candidates.

This work is an introduction to the study of political parties and party systems. It focuses primarily, but not exclusively, on liberal democracies through a comparative approach.
The aim of Political Parties and Party Systems is to explain to students of politics how and why parties and party systems differ from one country to another. However, it also seeks to provide a more detailed understanding of party politics in five particular countries.
Most of the chapters are divided into two sections. First, general themes and arguments about a topic are introduced, and examples from a large number of countries are discussed in relation to that topic. Then, particular attention is paid to five of the largest liberal democracies--Britain, France, Germany, Japan, and the United States.

This volume continues the series that scrutinizes, from a risk perspective, the current phenomenon of authoritarianism, as displayed by the new radical right (also known as alternative right), and whether it represents real democracy or an unacceptable hegemony potentially resulting in elected dictatorships and abuses as well as dysfunctional government and harm to many parties. The book identifies and analyzes risk issues arising from the radical-right phenomenon in many forms, including the personal safety and security of individual citizens, ethno-religious minorities, and other minorities and vulnerable groups, as well as threats to organizations, public order and national security, to democratic governance, and to international security. As chapters reveal, the cross-flow of ideological, organizational, and dark money support emanating primarily from US corporate foundations, lubricates the fusion of corporate and radical-right interests nationally, transnationally, and globally. This volume gathers contributions from eight leading academic authors and provides a detailed examination of the fusion of mutual interests between, on the one hand, powerful corporate leaders, executives, and wealthy oligarchs and, on the other, radical-right political leaders, parties and intermediary organizations promoting radical-right causes. The two worlds feed off, enable, and strengthen each other. Of particular relevance to the third decade of the 21st century is an examination of the corporate/radical-right stance on the COVID-19 pandemic and the phenomenon of wild allegations and grand conspiracy theories disseminated by the radical-right against their enemies.

This book rejects conventional accounts of how American political parties differ from those in other democracies. It focuses on the introduction of the direct primary and argues that primaries resulted from a process of party institutionalization initiated by party elites. It overturns the widely accepted view that, between 1902 and 1915, direct primaries were imposed on the parties by anti-party reformers intent on weakening them. An examination of particular northern states shows that often the direct primary was not controversial, and only occasionally did it involve confrontation between party 'regulars' and their opponents. Rather, the impetus for direct nominations came from attempts within the parties to subject informal procedures to formal rules. However, it proved impossible to reform the older caucus-convention system effectively, and party elites then turned to the direct primary - a device that already had become more common in rural counties in the late nineteenth century.

This volume considers from a risk perspective the current phenomenon of the new Alt-Right authoritarianism and whether it represents real democracy or an unacceptable hegemony potentially resulting in elected dictatorships and abuses as well as dysfunctional government. Contributing authors represent an eclectic range of disciplines, including cognitive, organizational and political psychology, sociology, history, political science, international relations, linguistics and discourse analysis, and risk analysis. The Alt-Right threats and risk exposures, whether to democracy, human rights, law and order, social welfare, racial harmony, the economy, national security, the environment, and international relations, are identified and analyzed across a number of selected countries, including the US, UK, Austria, France, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, and Russia. Potential strategies to limit the Alt-Right threat are proposed.

This two-volume book considers from a risk perspective the current phenomenon of the new Alt-Right authoritarianism and whether it represents real democracy or an unacceptable hegemony potentially resulting in elected dictatorships and abuses as well as dysfunctional government. Contributing authors represent an eclectic range of disciplines, including cognitive, organizational and political psychology, sociology, history, political science, international relations, linguistics and discourse analysis, and risk analysis. The Alt-Right threats and risk exposures, whether to democracy, human rights, law and order, social welfare, racial harmony, the economy, national security, the environment, and international relations, are identified and analysed across a number of selected countries. While Vol.1 (ISBN 978-3-8382-1153-4) focusses on the US, Vol. 2 illuminates the phenomenon in the UK, Austria, France, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, Italy, Hungary, and Russia. Potential strategies to limit the Alt-Right threat are proposed.

This book offers a fresh perspective on the convergence of approaches to managing risk and introduces new developments in current thinking. Managing Risk pioneers an integrative and holistic approach to managing risk. Practitioners now increasingly acknowledge that risk cannot be dealt with effectively in a compartmentalised way. There is a need to introduce a broader perspective to the subject of risk and to recognise that approaches towards managing risk are beginning to converge.

This textbook examines three principal methods of applied systems thinking: systems failures, hard and soft systems methods. Other systems methodologies are described briefly. The book is written in an open learning style with activities, exercises and case studies with an emphasis on practice and technique. It is supported by numerous illustrations, in keeping with the diagramming techniques of systems work.