Various African nations have undergone conflict situations since they gained their independence. This book focuses on particular countries that have faced conflict (civil wars and genocide) and are now in the process of rebuilding their political, economic, social, and educational institutions. The countries that are addressed in the book include: Rwanda, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In addition, there is a chapter that addresses the role of the African Diaspora in conflict and post-conflict countries that include Eritrea, Liberia, and Somalia. The book includes an examination of the various actors who are involved in post-conflict rebuilding and reconstruction that involves internal and external participants. For example, it is clear that the internal actors involve Africans themselves as ordinary citizens, members of local and national governments, and members of non-governmental organizations. This allows the reader to understand the agency and empowerment of Africans in post-conflict reconstruction. Various institutions are addressed within the context of the roles they play in establishing governance organizations such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Sierra Leone, the African Union, chiefs in Liberia, and non-governmental organizations. Furthermore, the external actors who are involved in post-conflict reconstruction are examined such as international non-governmental organizations and the African Diaspora. They both have their own constituents and agendas and can and do play a positive and negative role in post-conflict reconstruction. It is obvious that countries that are addressed in the book are in dire need of financial assistant to rebuild much needed infrastructure that was destroyed during the conflict. All of the countries covered in the book need schools, medical facilities, roads, bridges, airports, ports, and the government does not have the money to provide these. This is where the international non-governmental organizations and the African Diaspora play an important role. The chapters that address these issues are cognizant of their importance and at the same time, the authors realize that sovereignty can be undermined if Africans are not in the forefront of policy and decision making that will determine their future. There are chapters that provide a gendered analysis of post-conflict when it is appropriate. For example, it is clear that women, men, boys, and girls experienced conflict in different ways because of their gender. They all participated in the conflict in various ways. Consequently, the efforts at peace building are given a gendered analysis in terms of what has happened to women and girls in the demobilization and rehabilitation period including an excellent analysis of land reform in Rwanda and how that affects women and members of a certain ethnic group that are often overlooked in the examination of the 1994 genocide. This book provides a very good contribution to the literature on conflict and post-conflict African countries because of its depth and the vast topics it embraces. It provides an analysis of the internal and external actors, the role of gender in post-conflict decision making, and it provides the voices of ordinary Africans who were affected by the conflict, and who are determined to live productive lives.

U.S.-Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and analysis of U.S.-Africa relations during the Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya; the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S.-Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work with the United States to encourage economic development by establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government and business activities. The role of African-descended people in U.S.-Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it appears on the surface that the United States has become more involved in African affairs due to new post-Cold War realities-it is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far from national security interests and the promotion of democracy regardless of who is in the White House.

U.S. Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and analysis of U.S. Africa relations during the Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya; the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S. Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work with the United States to encourage economic development by establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government and business activities. The role of African-descended people in U.S. Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it appears on the surface that the United States has become more involved in African affairs due to new post Cold War realities it is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far from national security interests and the promotion of democracy regardless of who is in the White House."

Various African nations have undergone conflict situations since they gained their independence. This book focuses on particular countries that have faced conflict (civil wars and genocide) and are now in the process of rebuilding their political, economic, social, and educational institutions. The countries that are addressed in the book include: Rwanda, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In addition, there is a chapter that addresses the role of the African Diaspora in conflict and post-conflict countries that include Eritrea, Liberia, and Somalia. The book includes an examination of the various actors who are involved in post-conflict rebuilding and reconstruction that involves internal and external participants. For example, it is clear that the internal actors involve Africans themselves as ordinary citizens, members of local and national governments, and members of non-governmental organizations. This allows the reader to understand the agency and empowerment of Africans in post-conflict reconstruction. Various institutions are addressed within the context of the roles they play in establishing governance organizations such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Sierra Leone, the African Union, chiefs in Liberia, and non-governmental organizations. Furthermore, the external actors who are involved in post-conflict reconstruction are examined such as international non-governmental organizations and the African Diaspora. They both have their own constituents and agendas and can and do play a positive and negative role in post-conflict reconstruction. It is obvious that countries that are addressed in the book are in dire need of financial assistant to rebuild much needed infrastructure that was destroyed during the conflict. All of the countries covered in the book need schools, medical facilities, roads, bridges, airports, ports, and the government does not have the money to provide these. This is where the international non-governmental organizations and the African Diaspora play an important role. The chapters that address these issues are cognizant of their importance and at the same time, the authors realize that sovereignty can be undermined if Africans are not in the forefront of policy and decision making that will determine their future. There are chapters that provide a gendered analysis of post-conflict when it is appropriate. For example, it is clear that women, men, boys, and girls experienced conflict in different ways because of their gender. They all participated in the conflict in various ways. Consequently, the efforts at peace building are given a gendered analysis in terms of what has happened to women and girls in the demobilization and rehabilitation period including an excellent analysis of land reform in Rwanda and how that affects women and members of a certain ethnic group that are often overlooked in the examination of the 1994 genocide. This book provides a very good contribution to the literature on conflict and post-conflict African countries because of its depth and the vast topics it embraces. It provides an analysis of the internal and external actors, the role of gender in post-conflict decision making, and it provides the voices of ordinary Africans who were affected by the conflict, and who are determined to live productive lives.