How should the United States be governed during times of crisis? Definitely not as we are in times of tranquility, asserts this classic study. The war on terrorism is a case in point. The horrors of terror attacks on the United States have forced Americans to accept legislative changes that might be unthinkable at other times. The "inescapable truth," Clinton Rossiter wrote in his classic study of modern democracies in crisis, is that "No form of government can survive that excludes dictatorship when the life of the nation is at stake."In an insightful introduction, William Quirk places Rossiter's work in the context of the new century and the current war on terrorism. Constitutional Dictatorship examines the experiences with emergency government of four large modern democracies-the United States, Great Britain, France, and the German Republic of 1919-1933-to see what unusual powers and procedures these constitutional states employed in their various periods of national trial.Rossiter's concept of a "constitutional dictatorship" may be more shocking today than when he wrote the book. Based on a thoroughgoing study of the use of emergency powers in modern democracies, he determined that the facts of history demonstrate that there are occasions when constitutional dictatorship has served as an indispensable factor in maintaining constitutional democracy. Supreme Court doctrine does not recognize any implied presidential power to suspend the Constitution. However, Rossiter believes this view to be inaccurate. He defends his view through analysis of presidential action during the Civil War, World I, the Depression, and World War II, arguing that when the normal rules are not sufficient other rules take hold.Rossiter proposed specific criteria by which to judge the worth and propriety of any resort to constitutional dictatorship. He provides a clear roadmap for both citizen and Congress to judge an executive's actions. In his introduction, Quirk notes that Rossiter's concept-the rapid return to normal government when the crisis is concluded-rests on a premise that appears to be missing today. This volume will be essential reading for those interested in politics, constitutional law, and American history.

Three of the founding fathers defend their revolutionary charter--the Constitution of the United States--in these essays. Based on the original McLean edition of 1788, this edition includes copies of the Declaration of Independence and Articles of Confederation. Original.

How should the United States be governed during times of crisis? Definitely not as we are in times of tranquility, asserts this classic study. The war on terrorism is a case in point. The horrors of terror attacks on the United States have forced Americans to accept legislative changes that might be unthinkable at other times. The "inescapable truth," Clinton Rossiter wrote in his classic study of modern democracies in crisis, is that "No form of government can survive that excludes dictatorship when the life of the nation is at stake." In an insightful introduction, William Quirk places Rossiter's work in the context of the new century and the current war on terrorism. "Constitutional Dictatorship" examines the experiences with emergency government of four large modern democracies-the United States, Great Britain, France, and the German Republic of 1919-1933-to see what unusual powers and procedures these constitutional states employed in their various periods of national trial. Rossiter's concept of a "constitutional dictatorship" may be more shocking today than when he wrote the book. Based on a thoroughgoing study of the use of emergency powers in modern democracies, he determined that the facts of history demonstrate that there are occasions when constitutional dictatorship has served as an indispensable factor in maintaining constitutional democracy. Supreme Court doctrine does not recognize any implied presidential power to suspend the Constitution. However, Rossiter believes this view to be inaccurate. He defends his view through analysis of presidential action during the Civil War, World I, the Depression, and World War II, arguing that when the normal rules are not sufficient other rules take hold. Rossiter proposed specific criteria by which to judge the worth and propriety of any resort to constitutional dictatorship. He provides a clear roadmap for both citizen and Congress to judge an executive's actions. In his introduction, Quirk notes that Rossiter's concept-the rapid return to normal government when the crisis is concluded-rests on a premise that appears to be missing today. This volume will be essential reading for those interested in politics, constitutional law, and American history.

Edward S. Corwin connects the Western European experience to the American founding, providing a bold and accurate outline of the tradition behind the 'higher law' of the United States and places in historical context the political philosophy underlying the US Declaration of Independence and Constitution.

A concise treatment of presidential power by a brilliant writer is once again made available with the reissue of this book, first published in 1951. The book is brought superbly up to date by one of Rossiter's former students, Richard P. Longaker. New material covers vital events of the past twenty-five years, including the steel seizure and the dispatch of troops to Korea under Truman, civil disturbances and the Gulf of Tonkin episode under Johnson, the Pentagon Papers case, and the confrontation between Nixon and the Supreme Court.

A distinguished historian and political scientist provides a forthright and objective account of American party politics in this concise and invaluable guide. In vigorous and lively language he examines the two major parties-"the peacemakers of the American community"-describing their historic functions and the way they have helped to achieve national unity. He discusses their make-up, their achievements and failures, the images each has established of itself and of the opposition party. The demographic forces influencing the American voter and the complex question of how the parties actually differ receive thought-provoking treatment. This invigorating analysis of the hard facts of American political life will live far beyond the election year of 1960.