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When is it right to go to war? The most persuasive answer to this question has always been 'in self-defense'. In a penetrating new analysis, bringing together moral philosophy, political science, and law, David Rodin shows what's wrong with this answer. He proposes a comprehensive new theory of the right of self-defense which resolves many of the perplexing questions that have dogged both jurists and philosophers.
9/11 and the subsequent invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq have left
many people baffled and concerned. This interdisciplinary study of
the ethics of war provides an excellent orientation not only to
present, but also to future conflicts. It looks both back at
historical traditions of ethical thought and forward to
contemporary and emerging issues. The Ethics of War traces how
different cultures involved in present conflicts have addressed
similar problems over the centuries. Distinguished authors reflect
how the Graeco-Roman world, Byzantium, the Christian just war
tradition, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism and the Geneva Conventions have
addressed recurrent ethical problems of war. Cutting-edge essays by
prominent modern theorists address vital contemporary issues
including asymmetric war, preventive war, human rights and
humanitarian intervention. Distinguished academics, ethical
leaders, and public policy figures have collaborated in this
innovative and accessible guide to ethical issues in war.
Can a soldier be held responsible for fighting in a war that is
illegal or unjust? This is the question at the heart of a new
debate that has the potential to profoundly change our
understanding of the moral and legal status of warriors, wars, and
indeed of moral agency itself. The debate pits a widely shared and
legally entrenched principle of war-that combatants have equal
rights and equal responsibilities irrespective of whether they are
fi ghting in a war that is just or unjust-against a set of striking
new arguments. These arguments challenge the idea that there is a
separation between the rules governing the justice of going to war
(the jus ad bellum) and the rules governing what combatants can do
in war (the jus in bello). If ad bellum and in bello rules are
connected in the way these new arguments suggest, then many aspects
of just war theory and laws of war would have to be rethought and
perhaps reformed.
This book contains eleven original and closely argued essays by
leading figures in the ethics and laws of war and provides an
authoritative treatment of this important new debate. The essays
both challenge and defend many deeply held convictions: about the
liability of soldiers for crimes of aggression, about the nature
and justifiability of terrorism, about the relationship between law
and morality, the relationship between soldiers and states, and the
relationship between the ethics of war and the ethics of ordinary
life.
This book is a project of the Oxford Leverhulme Programme on the
Changing Character of War.
The dramatic declaration by President George W. Bush that, in light
of the attacks on 9/11, the United States would henceforth be
engaging in "preemption" against such enemies as terrorists armed
with weapons of mass destruction forced a wide-open debate about
justifiable uses of military force. Opponents saw the declaration
as a direct challenge to the consensus, which has formed since the
ratification of the Charter of the United Nations, that armed force
may be used only in defense. Supporters responded that in an age of
terrorism defense could only mean "preemption." This volume
provides the historical, legal, political, and philosophical
perspective necessary to intelligent participation in the on-going
debate, which is likely to last long beyond the war in Iraq.
Thorough defenses and critiques of the Bush doctrine are provided
by the most authoritative writers on the subject from both sides of
the Atlantic.
Is a nation ever justified in attacking before it has been
attacked? If so, under precisely what conditions? Does the
possibility of terrorists with weapons of mass destruction force us
to change our traditional views about what counts as defense? This
book provides the most comprehensive assessment to date of the
justifiability of preemptive or preventive military action. Its
engaging debate, accompanied by an analytic Introduction, focuses
probing criticism against the most persuasive proponents of
preemptive attack or preventive war, who then respond to these
challenges and modify or extend their justifications.
Authors of recent pivotal analyses, including historian Marc
Trachtenberg, international relations professor Neta Crawford, law
professor David Luban, and political philosopher Allen Buchanan,
are confronted by other authoritative writers on the nature and
justification of war more broadly, including historian Hew
Strachan, international normative theorist Henry Shue, and
philosophers David Rodin, Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, and Suzanne
Uniacke. The resulting lively and many-sided exchanges shed
historical, legal, political, and philosophical light on a key
policy question of our time. Going beyond the simple dichotomies of
popular discussion the authors reflect on the nature of all
warfare, the arguments for and against it, and the possibilities
for the moral to constrain the military and the political in the
face of grave threat.
This book is a project of the Oxford Leverhulme Programme on the
Changing Character of War.
The dramatic declaration by President George W. Bush that, in light
of the attacks on 9/11, the United States would henceforth be
engaging in "preemption" against such enemies as terrorists armed
with weapons of mass destruction forced a wide-open debate about
justifiable uses of military force. Opponents saw the declaration
as a direct challenge to the consensus, which has formed since the
ratification of the Charter of the United Nations, that armed force
may be used only in defense. Supporters responded that in an age of
terrorism defense could only mean "preemption." This volume of
all-new chapters provides the historical, legal, political, and
philosophical perspective necessary to intelligent participation in
the on-going debate, which is likely to last long beyond the war in
Iraq. Thorough defenses and critiques of the Bush doctrine are
provided by the most authoritative writers on the subject from both
sides of the Atlantic.
Is a nation ever justified in attacking before it has been
attacked? If so, under precisely what conditions? Does the
possibility of terrorists with weapons of mass destruction force us
to change our traditional views about what counts as defense? This
book provides the most comprehensive assessment to date of the
justifiability of preemptive or preventive military action. Its
engaging debate, accompanied by an analytic Introduction, focuses
probing criticism against the most persuasive proponents of
preemptive attack or preventive war, who then respond to these
challenges and modify or extend their justifications.
Authors of recent pivotal analyses, including historian Marc
Trachtenberg, international relations professor Neta Crawford,
lawprofessor David Luban, and political philosopher Allen Buchanan,
are confronted by other authoritative writers on the nature and
justification of war more broadly, including historian Hew
Strachan, international normative theorist Henry Shue, and
philosophers David Rodin, Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, and Suzanne
Uniacke. The resulting lively and many-sided exchanges shed
historical, legal, political, and philosophical light on a key
policy question of our time. Going beyond the simple dichotomies of
popular discussion the authors reflect on the nature of all
warfare, the arguments for and against it, and the possibilities
for the moral to constrain the military and the political in the
face of grave threat.
This book is a project of the Oxford Leverhulme Programme on the
Changing Character of War.
Can a soldier be held responsible for fighting in a war that is
illegal or unjust? This is the question at the heart of a new
debate that has the potential to profoundly change our
understanding of the moral and legal status of warriors, wars, and
indeed of moral agency itself. The debate pits a widely shared and
legally entrenched principle of war - that combatants have equal
rights and equal responsibilities irrespective of whether they are
fighting in a war that just or unjust - against a set of striking
new arguments. These arguments challenge the idea that there is a
separation between the rules governing the justice of going to war
(the jus ad bellum) and the rules governing what combatants can do
in war (the jus in bello). If ad bellum and in bello rules are
connected in the way these new arguments suggest, then many aspects
of just war theory and laws of war would have to be rethought and
perhaps reformed. This book contains eleven original and closely
argued essays by leading figures in the ethics and laws of war and
provides an authoritative treatment of this important new debate.
The essays both challenge and defend many deeply held convictions:
about the liability of soldiers for crimes of aggression, about the
nature and justifiability of terrorism, about the relationship
between law and morality, the relationship between soldiers and
states, and the relationship between the ethics of war and the
ethics of ordinary life. This book is a project of the Oxford
Leverhulme Programme on the Changing Character of War.
The rights and responsibilities of the individual are at the centre
of today's armed conflicts in a way that they have never been
before. This process of 'individualization', which challenges the
primacy of the sovereign state, is driven by normative developments
related to human rights that have elevated human-centric
conceptions of security and created a new class of international
crimes, as well as by technological and strategic developments that
can both empower individuals as military actors and enable either
the targeting or protection of particular individuals. The
Individualization of War examines the status of individuals in
contemporary armed conflict in three main capacities: as subject to
violence but deserving of protection; as liable to harm because of
their responsibility for attacks on others; and as agents who can
be held accountable for the perpetration of crimes. This book
presents a novel conceptualization of the phenomenon of
individualization, including how it is both practiced and
contested. It then convenes a set of leading thinkers from the
fields of moral philosophy, international law, and international
relations to further our understanding of not only how
individualization is manifest in armed conflict - in theory and in
practice - but also how it generates tensions and challenges for
today's scholars and practitioners. The collective research on
which the book is based integrates the currently segregated
scholarship on individualization in different academic disciplines,
thereby illuminating the important links between law, morality, and
politics that constitute the day-to-day reality for national
militaries, international organizations, and humanitarian actors
When is it right to go to war? The most persuasive answer to this
question has always been 'in self-defense'. In a penetrating new
analysis, bringing together moral philosophy, political science,
and law, David Rodin shows what's wrong with this answer. He
proposes a comprehensive new theory of the right of self-defense
which resolves many of the perplexing questions that have dogged
both jurists and moral philosophers. By applying the theory of
self-defense to international relations, Rodin produces a
far-reaching critique of the canonical Just War theory. The simple
analogy between self-defense and national defense - between the
individual and the state - needs to be fundamentally rethought, and
with it many of the basic elements of international law and the
ethics of international relations.
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