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Politicising Europe presents the most comprehensive contribution to
empirical research on politicisation to date. The study is
innovative in both conceptual and empirical terms. Conceptually,
the contributors develop and apply a new index and typology of
politicisation. Empirically, the volume presents a huge amount of
original data, tracing politicisation in a comparative perspective
over more than forty years. Focusing on six European countries
(Austria, France, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK) from the
1970s to the current euro crisis, the book examines conflicts over
Europe in election campaigns, street protests, and public debates
on every major step in the integration process. It shows that
European integration has indeed become politicised. However, the
patterns and developments differ markedly across countries and
arenas, and many of the key hypotheses on the driving forces of
change need to be revisited in view of new findings.
Political authority in todayOs leading democracies rests on
generally shared perceptions by a given people that their
government is responsible to them and considers each individual
citizen equal under the law. Yet since the dawn of the industrial
age, democratic governments have presided over economies that
function on the basis of an unequal distribution of real resources.
As globalization opens these economies, the gap between legal,
ideal and economic reality widens and boundaries separating Othe
peopleO of different democracies erode. This thought-provoking book
explores the consequent challenge posed for the inherent legitimacy
of democratic systems. When distinctive bonds between political
power and social obligation break down, that erosion creates
Odemocratic deficits.O Pressures build to reconstitute political
authority beyond the state, and governance-in-practice grows ever
more distant from democracy-in-principle. Nowhere is the deepening
dilemma more evident than in the European Union. This book examines
the contemporary breakdown and transformation of the democratic
welfare state in Europe and draws fascinating contrasts with North
America. In a cohesive and insightful collection of essays, a group
of distinguished political scientists debates the implications of
these trends both for theory and for policy.
Politicising Europe presents the most comprehensive contribution to
empirical research on politicisation to date. The study is
innovative in both conceptual and empirical terms. Conceptually,
the contributors develop and apply a new index and typology of
politicisation. Empirically, the volume presents a huge amount of
original data, tracing politicisation in a comparative perspective
over more than forty years. Focusing on six European countries
(Austria, France, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK) from the
1970s to the current euro crisis, the book examines conflicts over
Europe in election campaigns, street protests, and public debates
on every major step in the integration process. It shows that
European integration has indeed become politicised. However, the
patterns and developments differ markedly across countries and
arenas, and many of the key hypotheses on the driving forces of
change need to be revisited in view of new findings.
What are the consequences of globalization for the structure of
political conflicts in Western Europe? How are political conflicts
organized and articulated in the twenty-first century? And how does
the transformation of territorial boundaries affect the scope and
content of political conflicts? This book sets out to answer these
questions by analyzing the results of a study of national and
European electoral campaigns, protest events and public debates in
six West European countries. While the mobilization of the losers
of the processes of globalization by new right populist parties is
seen to be the driving force of the restructuring of West European
politics, the book goes beyond party politics. It attempts to show
how the cleavage coalitions that are shaping up under the impact of
globalization extend to state actors, interest groups and social
movement organizations, and how the new conflicts are framed by the
various actors involved.
What are the consequences of globalization for the structure of
political conflicts in Western Europe? How are political conflicts
organized and articulated in the twenty-first century? And how does
the transformation of territorial boundaries affect the scope and
content of political conflicts? This book sets out to answer these
questions by analyzing the results of a study of national and
European electoral campaigns, protest events and public debates in
six West European countries. While the mobilization of the losers
of the processes of globalization by new right populist parties is
seen to be the driving force of the restructuring of West European
politics, the book goes beyond party politics. It attempts to show
how the cleavage coalitions that are shaping up under the impact of
globalization extend to state actors, interest groups and social
movement organizations, and how the new conflicts are framed by the
various actors involved.
Over the past three decades the effects of globalization and
denationalization have created a division between 'winners' and
'losers' in Western Europe. This study examines the transformation
of party political systems in six countries (Austria, France,
Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK) using opinion
surveys, as well as newly collected data on election campaigns. The
authors argue that, as a result of structural transformations and
the strategic repositioning of political parties, Europe has
observed the emergence of a tripolar configuration of political
power, comprising the left, the moderate right, and the new
populist right. They suggest that, through an emphasis on cultural
issues such as mass immigration and resistance to European
integration, the traditional focus of political debate - the
economy - has been downplayed or reinterpreted in terms of this new
political cleavage. This new analysis of Western European politics
will interest all students of European politics and political
sociology.
Over the past three decades the effects of globalization and
denationalization have created a division between 'winners' and
'losers' in Western Europe. This study examines the transformation
of party political systems in six countries (Austria, France,
Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK) using opinion
surveys, as well as newly collected data on election campaigns. The
authors argue that, as a result of structural transformations and
the strategic repositioning of political parties, Europe has
observed the emergence of a tripolar configuration of political
power, comprising the left, the moderate right, and the new
populist right. They suggest that, through an emphasis on cultural
issues such as mass immigration and resistance to European
integration, the traditional focus of political debate - the
economy - has been downplayed or reinterpreted in terms of this new
political cleavage. This new analysis of Western European politics
will interest all students of European politics and political
sociology.
Die Telekommunikationspolitik ist unter starken Veranderungsdruck
geraten. Technologische und okonomische Umbruche, aber auch
politische Reformen haben den Bereich zunehmend politisiert und in
den Mittelpunkt offentlicher Aufmerksamkeit geruckt.Dieser Band
gibt einen Uberblick uber Konfliktstoffe, Positionen und
Erwartungen in funf zentralen Problembereichen: der Neuordnung des
Ordnungsrahmens in der Bundesrepublik, der Gestaltung und des
Ausbaus der Telekommunikations-Infrastruktur, der Entwicklung und
des Angebots neuer Telekommunikationsdienste, der
gesellschaftlichen Folgen der modernen Kommunikationstechnologie
und der "Europaisierung" der Telekommunikationspolitik."
Am Ende der siebziger und zu Beginn der achtziger Jahre sind in
einigen der wich- tigsten kapitalistischen Demokratien
neokonservative Regierungen mit der erkHir- ten Absicht angetreten,
einen grundlegenden Kurswechsel in der Wirtschafts- und
Sozialpolitik einzuleiten. GroBbritannien und die Bundesrepublik
Deutschland waren zwei der spektakuliirsten Fiille solcher
wirtschaftspolitischer "Wende"-Ver- suche. 1m Mittelpunkt der
Regierungsprogramme stand die Zielsetzung, das be- stehende Niveau
staatlicher Intervention in die Wirtschaft drastisch zu reduzieren
und den Umfang wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Sicherung abzubauen. Kurz: Das
Verhalt- nisses von Staat und Okonomie, das sich in beiden Liindern
nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg herausgebildet hatte, sollte
substantiell verandert werden. Der Frage nach der
Durchsetzungsfahigkeit eines solchen wirtschaftspolitischen
Strategiewechsels wird hier exemplarisch im Fall der
Telekommunikationspolitik nachgegangen. Fiir diese Fallauswahl gab
es gute Griinde. Die Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien
gelten als "Schliisseltechnologien" filr die strukturelle
Modernisierung kapitalistischer Okonomien. Eine politische Reform
der Regulierungsstrukturen im Bereich der Telekommunikation hatte
dernnach nicht nur sektorale Auswirkungen, sondern kann als
Priifstein fUr die Erfolgschancen des neokonservativen Projekts in
der Wirtschaftspolitik insgesamt gewertet werden. Die vorliegende
empirische Untersuchung der neokonservativen Reform der
Telekommunikation in GroBbritannien und der Bundesrepublik
Deutschland entstand als Teil des Forschungsprojekts
"Verlaufsmuster und Bedingungen von ordnungspolitischem
Strategiewechsel im internationalen Vergleich" an der Fachgruppe
Politik-/Verwaltungswissenschaft der Universitat Konstanz. Das
Projekt wurde geleitet von Prof. Dr. Gerhard Lehmbruch und
gefOrdert aus Mitteln der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk. Beiden ist der
Verfasser zu besonderem Dank verpflichtet. Ohne sie ware diese
Untersuchung nicht moglich gewesen.
The end of the Cold War, as well as recent progress towards
economic integration among countries in various regions,
revolutionary advances in communications technologies, and the
rapid emergence of global social networks, has resulted in profound
transformations in structures of political authority around the
world. The role of the modern nation-state continues to be crucial,
especially for the production of public goods such as security and
welfare, yet states cannot address the most pressing problems
facing their own citizens without moving away from traditional
understandings of sovereignty itself. disciplines of political
science, international relations, sociology, and political economy.
The essays in this volume examine the meaning of 'complex
sovereignty' through a set of conceptual and empirical studies on
such topics as governance in the European Union and North America,
the emergence of public-private partnerships, the adaptation of
established international organizations, and the search for
innovative mechanisms to manage risk. Together, they elucidate a
fascinating and vitally important struggle to give coherence to a
complicated governing system of multiple and overlapping
hierarchies.
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