Rethinking the Middle East runs counter to the received wisdom in modern Middle East studies. This discipline has been dominated by what may be termed a culture of victimization; it views the local populations of the Middle East Arabs in particular as the hapless victims of alien encroachment, and blames the region's endemic malaise on Western political and cultural imperialism. The author contends that the influence of the Great Powers has not been the primary force behind the region's political development, nor the main cause of its famous volatility. He argues that the main impetus has been provided by regional factors; and that even at their weakest point in modern history - during the final stages of the Ottoman Empire - the peoples in the Middle East have played an active role in the restructuring of their region. Historical writing and popular beliefs concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict are re-examined in the light of this thesis.

This book explores the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) phenomenon – its impact and implications for Israel and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as well as the inextricable linkage between its anti-Israeli/anti-Zionist propaganda and antisemitism, unraveled from yet unknown perspectives. The edited volume offers groundbreaking research: While Israeli public diplomacy focused on security, Palestinian diplomacy focused on a fabricated history. The book analyzes the old Russian anti-Zionist propaganda and its application by the BDS. The public space of BDS activity projects a humane façade, yet the covert part harbors antisemitic and violent supporters including terror groups and Iran. Western universities turned into incubators of pro-Palestinian groups that portray Israel as the source of evil. The academic boycott of Israel worked to isolate and stigmatize Jewish scholars in America because of a presumed Jewish occupation of the American academe. Western "liberals" wish to build bridges with the Muslim world, unable to overcome differences on democracy, secularism, women’s rights, etc., they focus on what they agree: animosity towards Israel. So has the UN; the ICC; Bedouin advocacy; and Human Rights Watch. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the journal Israel Affairs.

This book explores the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) phenomenon - its impact and implications for Israel and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as well as the inextricable linkage between its anti-Israeli/anti-Zionist propaganda and antisemitism, unraveled from yet unknown perspectives. The edited volume offers groundbreaking research: While Israeli public diplomacy focused on security, Palestinian diplomacy focused on a fabricated history. The book analyzes the old Russian anti-Zionist propaganda and its application by the BDS. The public space of BDS activity projects a humane facade, yet the covert part harbors antisemitic and violent supporters including terror groups and Iran. Western universities turned into incubators of pro-Palestinian groups that portray Israel as the source of evil. The academic boycott of Israel worked to isolate and stigmatize Jewish scholars in America because of a presumed Jewish occupation of the American academe. Western "liberals" wish to build bridges with the Muslim world, unable to overcome differences on democracy, secularism, women's rights, etc., they focus on what they agree: animosity towards Israel. So has the UN; the ICC; Bedouin advocacy; and Human Rights Watch. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the journal Israel Affairs.

This Chatham House Paper examines the nature of Soviet relations with Syria, assessing the commitments made and the gains reaped by Moscow and Damascus in the economic, military and political spheres. After discussing Soviet interests in the region in general and with regard to Syria in particular, the author traces the evolution of the relationship between Moscow and its major Middle Eastern ally since Asad came to power in 1970. While the study argues that huge Soviet military aid has intensified the pro-Soviet alignment of Syrian policy, it contends that Asad's perception of his country's national interests has also played a large part in shaping the relationship. The author concludes that both sides have gained from what is an interdependent relationship. If Damascus remains almost wholly dependent on Soviet military aid, regional constraints give Syria some leverage over Moscow. Without Moscow's support Syria might perhaps not have played such a leading role in the region; without Damascus the Soviet Union might have found itself on the sidelines of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

This Chatham House Paper examines the nature of Soviet relations with Syria, assessing the commitments made and the gains reaped by Moscow and Damascus in the economic, military and political spheres. After discussing Soviet interests in the region in general and with regard to Syria in particular, the author traces the evolution of the relationship between Moscow and its major Middle Eastern ally since Asad came to power in 1970. While the study argues that huge Soviet military aid has intensified the pro-Soviet alignment of Syrian policy, it contends that Asad's perception of his country's national interests has also played a large part in shaping the relationship. The author concludes that both sides have gained from what is an interdependent relationship. If Damascus remains almost wholly dependent on Soviet military aid, regional constraints give Syria some leverage over Moscow. Without Moscow's support Syria might perhaps not have played such a leading role in the region; without Damascus the Soviet Union might have found itself on the sidelines of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Originally published in 1988, this book examines the experiences of neutral states in Europe during the Second World War and in the postwar peiod. It examines both the practical and the theoretical considerations and the interface between the two, and discusses the implications of the experience of these countries for small states generally

Originally published in 1988, this book examines the experiences of neutral states in Europe during the Second World War and in the postwar peiod. It examines both the practical and the theoretical considerations and the interface between the two, and discusses the implications of the experience of these countries for small states generally.

This book is a wide-ranging and innovative study of Israeli-Lebanese relations from the birth of the Jewish state in 1948 to the Israel-Lebanon War of 2006. Israel's relationship with its Arab neighbours is a subject of perennial interest in the Middle East. The relationship between Israel and Lebanon has taken numerous forms since the establishment of the Jewish state and the chapters in this timely and important volume provide a comprehensive, detailed and informative analysis of the evolving ties between the two countries up to the present day. The contributors are drawn from numerous disciplines in the social sciences and humanities; and contributions range from the impact of the Arab-Israeli conflict on the Jews of Lebanon, to the role of external powers (the EU, the US and Arab world) on Israeli-Lebanese relations, as well as the legal mechanisms regulating the bilateral political relationship to the Palestinian Refugee problem as a factor in Israeli-Lebanese relations.

This book was published as a special issue of Israel Affairs.

This book draws on the research of some of the leading scholars in the fields of Jewish-Islamic relations, the Israeli-Arab conflict and political Islam. These highly topical essays examine the relationship between Israel and the Islamic world from both a thematic and geo-strategic perspective.

Divided into two distinct sections, the first section of the book deals with issues relating to contemporary Jewish-Muslim relations and, in particular, looks at the attitude towards the Jewish state amongst opinion-makers, religious institutions and leaders in the Muslim world. Key issues such as the Islamic attitude to Palestinian suicide-bombing, and Arab anti-Semitism are addressed here. The second section examines the attitude of key Muslim nations Egypt, Iran, Turkey, Indonesia and Pakistan to the Jewish state, and charts the evolving, bilateral relationship between these nations and Israel from the birth of the Jewish State in 1948 up to the present day.

This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal Israel Affairs.

This book draws on the research of some of the leading scholars in the fields of Jewish-Islamic relations, the Israeli-Arab conflict and political Islam. These highly topical essays examine the relationship between Israel and the Islamic world from both a thematic and geo-strategic perspective. Divided into two distinct sections, the first section of the book deals with issues relating to contemporary Jewish-Muslim relations and, in particular, looks at the attitude towards the Jewish state amongst opinion-makers, religious institutions and leaders in the Muslim world. Key issues such as the Islamic attitude to Palestinian suicide-bombing, and Arab anti-Semitism are addressed here. The second section examines the attitude of key Muslim nations - Egypt, Iran, Turkey, Indonesia and Pakistan - to the Jewish state, and charts the evolving, bilateral relationship between these nations and Israel from the birth of the Jewish State in 1948 up to the present day. This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal Israel Affairs.

Born amidst the ruin of World War II and into the Cold War environment of realpolitik, Israel has, since its earliest existence, commanded a place on the international stage out of all relation to its size, population or ambitions. This work, part of the series Israel: The First Hundred Years, examines Israel's experience in foreign affairs in its first 50 years of existence. Contributors ask to what extent an Israeli foreign policy can be said to be a Zionist foreign policy and analyse Israel's international role in the Cold War era. They also explore Israel's foreign policy relationships within the Middle East region and with great powers such as the United States and China and the newer power bloc of Europe. In doing so they give a comprehensive account of Israel's foreign policy history and Israel's place in the international political system at the end of this most tumultuous of centuries.

Born amidst the ruin of World War II and into the Cold War environment of realpolitik, Israel has, since its earliest existence, commanded a place on the international stage out of all relation to its size, population or ambitions. This work, part of the series Israel: The First Hundred Years, examines Israel's experience in foreign affairs in its first 50 years of existence. Contributors ask to what extent an Israeli foreign policy can be said to be a Zionist foreign policy and analyse Israel's international role in the Cold War era. They also explore Israel's foreign policy relationships within the Middle East region and with great powers such as the United States and China and the newer power bloc of Europe. In doing so they give a comprehensive account of Israel's foreign policy history and Israel's place in the international political system at the end of this most tumultuous of centuries.

Rethinking the Middle East runs counter to the received wisdom in modern Middle East studies. This discipline has been dominated by what may be termed a culture of victimization; it views the local populations of the Middle East Arabs in particular as the hapless victims of alien encroachment, and blames the region's endemic malaise on Western political and cultural imperialism. The author contends that the influence of the Great Powers has not been the primary force behind the region's political development, nor the main cause of its famous volatility. He argues that the main impetus has been provided by regional factors; and that even at their weakest point in modern history - during the final stages of the Ottoman Empire - the peoples in the Middle East have played an active role in the restructuring of their region. Historical writing and popular beliefs concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict are re-examined in the light of this thesis.

This book analyzes Soviet military engagement in Middle East wars in the post-1967 era. It clarifies the nature and characteristics of this engagement, offers an explanation for its occurrence, and tries to predict future trends.

Israeli historiography has long been subjected to a sustained assault by self-styled new historians vying to expose what they claim to be the distorted Zionist narrative of Israeli history and the Arab-Israeli conflict. They have cast Israel as the regional villain, bearing sole responsibility for the cycle of violence in the Middle east since 1946.

Israeli historiography has long been subjected to a sustained assault by self-styled "new historians" vying to expose what they claim to be the distorted "Zionist narrative" of Israeli history and the Arab-Israeli conflict. They have cast Israel as the regional villain, bearing sole responsibility for the cycle of violence in the Middle east since 1946.
This text takes issue with these "revisionists." The author argues that they have ignored or misinterpreted much documentation in developing their analysis of Israel's history. There are numerous in-depth studies to illustrate the author's argument.

The birth of the Zionist Movement, coming in the wake of Jewish emancipation in Western Europe and at a time of intensified persecution of Jewry in Eastern Europe, meant that for the first time since Jewish dispersion, the possibility of the Jews discarding their minority status in the lands they inhabited and creating their own home in their ancestral homeland became a reality, however incomprehensible it may have appeared in these early years. The next half a century saw great strides in the economic, social and political life of the Yishuv that culminated in the creation of the State of Israel.

Like most 19th and 20th century national movements, culture played a focal role in the shaping of Jewish-Israeli national identity, and with Zionism being the secular movement that it is, culture became the effective prism through which religious and historical notions of Jewish nationalism were filtered. As Israel reaches its 50th year of statehood, Israeli society faces a deepening crisis of identity. This is particularly evident in Israeli culture which, for quite some time, has been effectively disintegrating into several simultaneous sub-cultures. This process has gained momentum during the 1990s due to a relaxation of national cohesiveness following the Arab-Israeli peace negotiations on the one hand, and the growing post-modern influences on Israeli culture, on the other. This, in turn, has brought to the fore a whole range of questions which have hitherto been ignored, not least the inter-relationship between the Hebrew and Jewish aspects of Israeli culture.

This collection of essays by a distinguished group of Israeli, American and British strategists assesses the balance of opportunities and risks confronting Israel at this critical juncture in her history and offers possible solutions to her pressing dilemmas. Among the issues discussed in this volume: the economic consequences of peace for Israeli security; the implications of the New World Order for Israel's strategic interests; military and strategic risks attending the land-for-peace formula and possible solutions; Israel's nuclear weapons and the problem of regional non-conventional proliferation; Israeli-Palestinian water conflicts and ways for their resolution; and, finally, the operational and strategic challenges posed by the Middle Eastern future battlefield.

A distinguished group of strategists assesses the balance of opportunities confronting Israel at this critical juncture in its history and offers possible solutions to its pressing dilemmas. The contributors address such issues as the economic consequences of peace for Israeli security, the implications of the new world order for Israel's strategic interests, Israel's nuclear weapons and the operational and strategic challenges posed by the future Middle Eastern battlefield.

The State of Israel seems closer than ever to its professed loftiest ideal: contractual peace with its Arab neighbours, first and foremost the Palestinians. What are the implications of peace for Israel? How would it affect the country's political and economic systems and its national security? What would peace mean for Israel's regional and international standing and for its relations with world Jewry? A distinguished group of specialists from Israel, Europe and the United States address these crucial issues.

Sixty years after the birth of Israel, this fascinating and original book of essays brings together a number of the leading experts on Zionism and Israel to examine the domestic and international context of Israel's transition from community to state in 1948. With contributions on a wide range of historically important topics that are no less relevant now than they were six decades ago, the book examines how countries as diverse as France, the United States, Turkey, Britain and Ireland viewed the partition of Palestine in 1947 and the subsequent establishment of Israel in 1948. It also looks at the involvement of the UN, Zionist and Arab leaders in the events immediately preceding Israel's birth. While controversial issues such as the role of the Holocaust in the creation of Israel and the attitude of the Zionist movement to Palestinian Arabs, from its onset to the 1948 war, are examined in order to set the record straight after decades of mistaken and misleading research. This book was previously published as a special issue of Israel Affairs.

The end of the British mandate in Palestine heralded the birth of the new state of Israel. It also marked the end of one of the most tumultuous and momentous chapters in Israeli history. But the new state, born into a hostile environment and struggling with the manifold demands of sovereignty, would have to face many post-Independence challenges to its existence, not least in the form of armed conflict and confrontation with its Arab neighbours. This volume examines the conflicts that from the 1948 until the 1967 Six Day War came to define the Israeli struggle for existence. In doing so, contributors analyze the various military challenges to Israel from both the military and strategic perspective and in terms of the demands that these conflicts placed on Israeli society and political life. The final section addresses the peace process from the time of the Oslo Accords, while focusing on some of the key issues in any future settlement, most notably Jerusalem's future status.

"The Gulf Conflict" provides the most authoritative and comprehensive account to date of Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, its expulsion by a coalition of Western and Arab forces seven months later, and the aftermath of the war. Blending compelling narrative history with objective analysis, Lawrence Freedman and Efraim Karsh inquire into the fundamental issues underlying the dispute and probe the strategic calculations of all the participants.

An examination of the nature of Soviet policy towards Syria during the last two decades, which seeks to assess Moscow's objectives and the means of achieving those objectives. The study argues that the overriding concern of Soviet policy is preservation of regional stability.