More than ever before, ethnic struggle finds expression in the growing incidence and scale of displaced persons and refugee flows, as well as in exacerbated levels of ethnic minority abuse and involuntary assimilation. Demographic and political sources of instability in multi-ethnic societies assure the continuing significance of ethnic strife and the potential for intrastate ethnic violence far into the next millennium. While not all disagreements between ethnic groups can be expected to escalate into violence, more than a few have produced intractable and destructive conflicts, and one or more of these conflicts could ultimately reach levels that overwhelm international resources and capabilities.

Carment and Harvey examine how regional and international security organizations can prevent destructive ethnic conflict and manage cases in which violence already is at hand. First they develop a conceptual framework for advancing basic research on the prevention and management of intrastate ethnic violence. They evaluate theoretical knowledge about the nature of ethnic conflict, using case material and quantitative assessments, and they apply these assumptions against recent instances of conflict management through an in-depth study of NATO's involvement in Kosovo and Bosnia. This book serves as an important research tool for students, scholars, and policy makers involved with ethnic conflict and international relations.

The editors and contributors to this study examine the future of domestic and foreign relations between Canada, Quebec, and their neighbors in the event of a yes vote on independence. They approach the possible emergence of an independent Quebec nation-state from the perspective of the study of world politics. As they suggest, this is particularly important because ethnic-based secessionist movements throughout the world now challenge our understanding of the supposed stability of the nation state within geographical regions and even the operation of states within global political and economic systems.

They examine the implications of a sovereign Quebec with special reference to ethnic-based secession as a dimension of the emerging post cold war international system. In this context, the possible devolution of Canada is an event of enormous significance not only for North America, but also Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Given the evolving literature on minorities at risk, ethnicity, ethnonationalism, and ethnic conflict, the prospect of a sovereign Quebec and the devolution of Canada are possible events that may well define the study of world politics well into the 21st century. This book is an important addition for scholars, researchers, students, and concerned citizens interested in intranational relations and ethnicity and Canadian studies.

At a time when international relations theory is being criticized for its lack of relevance, this book seeks to uncover theoretical and empirical knowledge about international conflict, crisis and war by exploring and testing new avenues of research. With chapters on enduring rivalries, crisis bargaining, world wars, strategic surprise, defence allocations, war termination and conflict resolution, the contributors collectively develop a stronger foundation for answering pressing questions about the onset, escalation and de-escalation of different forms of international violence from nineteenth century conflict to nuclear crises.

This book explores the paradox of the a ~security dilemmaa (TM) in International Relations, as applied to the post-9/11 context of homeland security.

The book's central argument can be summed up by the following counterintuitive thesis: the more security you have, the more security you will need. It argues that enhancing security does not make terrorism more likely, but rather it raises public expectations and amplifies public outrage after subsequent failures. The book contests that this dilemma will continue to shape American, Canadian and British domestic and international security priorities for decades. In exploring the key policy implications resulting from this, the book highlights the difficulty in finding a solution to this paradox, as the most rational and logical policy options are part of the problem.

This book will be of interest to students of Homeland Security, Security Studies, US politics, and IR in general.

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Written especially for the collection, these essays are inhardcover in the form of an easy-to-use handbook, and in paperback as a number of separate titles, each of which consists of a particular thematic cluster to merge with the range of topics taught in undergraduate and graduate courses in international studies. \par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24 The themes addressed are realism, institutionalism, critical perspectives, feminist theory and gender studies, methodology (formal modeling, quantitative, and qualitative), foreign policy analysis, international security and peace studies, and international political economy. \par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24 This collection provides an accessible and wide-ranging survey of the issues in the field as well as an invaluable bibliography, and will undoubtedly determine the shape of future research in international studies for the millennium. \par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\s8\sa100\sb100\keepn\outlinelevel4\plain\fs24\b1\fs24 Paperbacks for course adoption: \par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24{\field{\*\fldinst HYPERLINK "http: //www.press.umich.edu/titles/08859.html"}{\fldrslt\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24\cs16\cf1\ul Realism and Institutionalism in International Studies}}\plain\fs24 \line Michael Brecher and Frank P. Harvey, Editors\par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24{\field{\*\fldinst HYPERLINK "http: //www.press.umich.edu/titles/08860.html"}{\fldrslt\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24\cs16\cf1\ul Conflict, Security, Foreign Policy, and International Political Economy: Past Paths and Future Directions in International Studies}}\plain\fs24 \line Michael Brecher and Frank P. Harvey, Editors\par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24{\field{\*\fldinst HYPERLINK "http: //www.press.umich.edu/titles/08861.html"}{\fldrslt\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24\cs16\cf1\ul Evaluating Methodology in International Studies}}\plain\fs24 \line Frank P. Harvey and Michael Brecher, Editors\par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24{\field{\*\fldinst HYPERLINK "http: //www.press.umich.edu/titles/08862.html"}{\fldrslt\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24\cs16\cf1\ul Critical Perspectives in International Studies}}\plain\fs24 \line Frank P. Harvey and Michael Brecher, Editors\par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24 Contributors are: Steve J. Brams, Davis B. Bobrow, Michael Cox, Robert W. Cox, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Joseph M. Grieco, Ernst B. Haas, Peter M. Haas, Kal J. Holsti, Ole R. Holsti, Patrick James, Robert O. Keohane, Edward A. Kolodziej, Louis Kriesberg Robert T. Kudrle, David A. Lake, Yosef Lapid, Russell Leng, Jack S. Levy, L. H. M. Ling, Zeev Maoz, Lisa L. Martin, John J. Mearsheimer, Manus I. Midlarsky, Linda B. Miller, Helen Milner, Michael Nicholson, Joseph Nye, V. Spike Peterson, Jan Jindy Pettman, James Lee Ray, James Rosenau, Harvey Starr, J. David Singer, Steve Smith, Christine Sylvester, J. Ann Tickner, John Vasquez, Yaacov Y. I. Vertzberger, R. B. J. Walker, Stephen G. Walker, Jonathan Wilkenfeld, Oran Young, Marysia Zalewski, and Dina A. Zinnes.\par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24 Michael Brecher is R. B. Angus Professor of Political Science, McGill University, and former president of the International Studies Association.\par\pard\s1\sa100\sb100\li0\plain\fs24 Frank P. Harvey is Professor of Political Science and Director, Center for Foreign Policy Studies, Dalhousie University.\par\pard}

The almost universally accepted explanation for the Iraq War is very clear and consistent - the US decision to attack Saddam Hussein's regime on March 19, 2003 was a product of the ideological agenda, misguided priorities, intentional deceptions and grand strategies of President George W. Bush and prominent 'neoconservatives' and 'unilateralists' on his national security team. Despite the widespread appeal of this version of history, Frank P. Harvey argues that it remains an unsubstantiated assertion and an underdeveloped argument without a logical foundation. His book aims to provide a historically grounded account of the events and strategies which pushed the US-UK coalition towards war. The analysis is based on both factual and counterfactual evidence, combines causal mechanisms derived from multiple levels of analysis and ultimately confirms the role of path dependence and momentum as a much stronger explanation for the sequence of decisions that led to war.

The almost universally accepted explanation for the Iraq War is very clear and consistent - the US decision to attack Saddam Hussein's regime on March 19, 2003 was a product of the ideological agenda, misguided priorities, intentional deceptions and grand strategies of President George W. Bush and prominent 'neoconservatives' and 'unilateralists' on his national security team. Despite the widespread appeal of this version of history, Frank P. Harvey argues that it remains an unsubstantiated assertion and an underdeveloped argument without a logical foundation. His book aims to provide a historically grounded account of the events and strategies which pushed the US-UK coalition towards war. The analysis is based on both factual and counterfactual evidence, combines causal mechanisms derived from multiple levels of analysis and ultimately confirms the role of path dependence and momentum as a much stronger explanation for the sequence of decisions that led to war.

When Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons against his own people in Syria, he clearly crossed President Barack Obama's "red line." At the time, many argued that the president had to bomb in order to protect America's reputation for toughness, and therefore its credibility, abroad; others countered that concerns regarding reputation were overblown, and that reputations are irrelevant for coercive diplomacy. Whether international reputations matter is the question at the heart of Fighting for Credibility. For skeptics, past actions and reputations have no bearing on an adversary's assessment of credibility; power and interests alone determine whether a threat is believed. Using a nuanced and sophisticated theory of rational deterrence, Frank P. Harvey and John Mitton argue the opposite: ignoring reputations sidesteps important factors about how adversaries perceive threats. Focusing on cases of asymmetric US encounters with smaller powers since the end of the Cold War including Bosnia, Kosovo, Iraq, and Syria, Harvey and Mitton reveal that reputations matter for credibility in international politics. This dynamic and deeply documented study successfully brings reputation back to the table of foreign diplomacy.

When Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons against his own people in Syria, he clearly crossed President Barack Obama's "red line." At the time, many argued that the president had to bomb in order to protect America's reputation for toughness, and therefore its credibility, abroad; others countered that concerns regarding reputation were overblown, and that reputations are irrelevant for coercive diplomacy. Whether international reputations matter is the question at the heart of Fighting for Credibility. For skeptics, past actions and reputations have no bearing on an adversary's assessment of credibility; power and interests alone determine whether a threat is believed. Using a nuanced and sophisticated theory of rational deterrence, Frank P. Harvey and John Mitton argue the opposite: ignoring reputations sidesteps important factors about how adversaries perceive threats. Focusing on cases of asymmetric US encounters with smaller powers since the end of the Cold War including Bosnia, Kosovo, Iraq, and Syria, Harvey and Mitton reveal that reputations matter for credibility in international politics. This dynamic and deeply documented study successfully brings reputation back to the table of foreign diplomacy.