International parliaments are on the rise. An increasing number of international organizations establishes 'international parliamentary institutions' or IPIs, which bring together members of national parliaments or - in rare cases - elected representatives of member state citizens. Yet, IPIs have generally remained powerless institutions with at best a consultative role in the decision-making process of international organizations. Why do the member states of international organizations create IPIs but do not vest them with relevant institutional powers? This study argues that neither the functional benefits of delegation nor the internalization of democratic norms answer this question convincingly. Rather, IPIs are best understood as an instrument of strategic legitimation. By establishing institutions that mimic national parliaments, governments seek to ensure that audiences at home and in the wider international environment recognize their international organizations as democratically legitimate. At the same time, they seek to avoid being effectively constrained by IPIs in international governance. The Rise of International Parliaments provides a systematic study of the establishment and empowerment of IPIs based on a novel dataset. In a statistical analysis covering the world's most relevant international organizations and a series of case studies from all major world regions, we find two varieties of international parliamentarization. International organizations with general purpose and high authority create and empower IPIs to legitimate their region-building projects domestically. Alternatively, the establishment of IPIs is induced by the international diffusion of democratic norms and prominent templates, above all that of the European Parliament. Transformations in Governance is a major academic book series from Oxford University Press. It is designed to accommodate the impressive growth of research in comparative politics, international relations, public policy, federalism, and environmental and urban studies concerned with the dispersion of authority from central states to supranational institutions, subnational governments, and public-private networks. It brings together work that advances our understanding of the organization, causes, and consequences of multilevel and complex governance. The series is selective, containing annually a small number of books of exceptionally high quality by leading and emerging scholars. The series is edited by Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and Walter Mattli of the University of Oxford.

This book presents a novel 'governance model' of democracy promotion. In detailed case studies of EU cooperation with Moldova, Morocco, and Ukraine, it examines how the EU promotes democratic governance through functional cooperation in the fields of competition policy, the environment, and migration.

Whereas 'democracy' assumes a single demos or people, 'demoi-cracy' refers to democratic government and governance in a polity constituted by separate peoples. Since the European Union consists of many demoi with different collective identities, largely separate public spheres, and a predominantly national political infrastructure, demoi-cracy is an appropriate standard for the analysis and evaluation of democracy in the EU. In its vertical dimension, demoi-cracy is based on the equality and interaction of citizens' and statespeoples' representatives in the making of common policies. Horizontally, it seeks to balance equal transnational rights of citizens with national policy-making autonomy. This volume offers exemplary studies exploring the potential for and the workings of demoi-cracy in the EU across a broad range of institutions and issues in both its vertical and horizontal dimensions. In particular, the contributions address the following questions: Is demoi-cracy relevant to citizen attitudes and public discourse on the EU's legitimacy? How do national and supranational democratic institutions interact? Do the EU's modes of governance, such as regulation through agencies, mutual recognition, and the open method of coordination, meet demoi-cratic expectations? This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of European Public Policy.

EU external democracy promotion has traditionally been based on 'linkage', i.e. bottom-up support for democratic forces in third countries, and 'leverage', i.e. the top-down inducement of political elites towards democratic reforms through political conditionality. The advent of the European Neighbourhood Policy and new forms of association have introduced a new, third model of democracy promotion which rests in functional cooperation between administrations. This volume comparatively defines and assesses these three models of external democracy promotion in the EU's relations with its eastern and southern neighbours. It argues that while 'linkage' has hitherto failed to produce tangible outcomes, and the success of 'leverage' has basically been tied to an EU membership perspective, the 'governance' model of democracy promotion bears greater potential beyond the circle of candidate countries. This third approach, while not tackling the core institutions of the political system as such, but rather promoting transparency, accountability, and participation at the level of state administration, may turn out to remain the EU's most tangible form of democratic governance promotion in the future. This book was originally published as a special issue of Democratization.

Differentiated integration has become a durable feature of the European Union and is a major alternative for its future development and reform. This book provides a comprehensive conceptual, theoretical, and empirical analysis of differentiation in European integration. It explains differentiation in EU treaties and legislation in general and offers specific accounts of differentiation in the recent enlargements of the EU, the Eurozone crisis, the Brexit negotiations, and the integration of non-member states. Ever Looser Union? introduces differentiated integration as a legal instrument that European governments use regularly to overcome integration deadlock in EU treaty negotiations and legislation. Differentiated integration follows two main logics. Instrumental differentiation adjusts integration to the heterogeneity of economic preferences and capacities, particularly in the context of enlargement. By contrast, constitutional differentiation accommodates concerns about national self-determination. Whereas instrumental differentiation mainly affects poorer (new) member states, constitutional differentiation offers wealthier and nationally oriented member states opt-outs from the integration of core state powers. The book shows that differentiated integration has facilitated the integration of new policies, new members, and even non-members. It has been mainly 'multi-speed' and inclusive. Most differentiations end after a few years and do not discriminate against member states permanently. Yet differentiation is less suitable for reforming established policies, managing disintegration and fostering solidarity, and the path-dependency of core state power integration may lead to permanent divides in the Union.

Whereas 'democracy' assumes a single demos or people, 'demoi-cracy' refers to democratic government and governance in a polity constituted by separate peoples. Since the European Union consists of many demoi with different collective identities, largely separate public spheres, and a predominantly national political infrastructure, demoi-cracy is an appropriate standard for the analysis and evaluation of democracy in the EU. In its vertical dimension, demoi-cracy is based on the equality and interaction of citizens' and statespeoples' representatives in the making of common policies. Horizontally, it seeks to balance equal transnational rights of citizens with national policy-making autonomy. This volume offers exemplary studies exploring the potential for and the workings of demoi-cracy in the EU across a broad range of institutions and issues in both its vertical and horizontal dimensions. In particular, the contributions address the following questions: Is demoi-cracy relevant to citizen attitudes and public discourse on the EU's legitimacy? How do national and supranational democratic institutions interact? Do the EU's modes of governance, such as regulation through agencies, mutual recognition, and the open method of coordination, meet demoi-cratic expectations? This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of European Public Policy.

The European Union has developed a wide array of external relations with its neighbouring countries. Without offering full membership, the EU nevertheless attempts to transfer its rules and policies to non-member countries. It is this extension of EU rules beyond EU borders that the analysis of external governance seeks to capture. The contributions to this volume explain the modes and effects of EU external governance in a variety of EU-non-member country relations in Western Europe, the former Soviet Union, and the Mediterranean region. They cover such diverse issues as trade, environment, security, and democracy promotion and explore the effects of EU institutions, EU power, and the domestic structures of its partner countries on the transfer of EU rules. This book was based on a special issue of Journal of European Public Policy.

EU external democracy promotion has traditionally been based on linkage, i.e. bottom-up support for democratic forces in third countries, and leverage, i.e. the top-down inducement of political elites towards democratic reforms through political conditionality. The advent of the European Neighbourhood Policy and new forms of association have introduced a new, third model of democracy promotion which rests in functional cooperation between administrations. This volume comparatively defines and assesses these three models of external democracy promotion in the EU s relations with its eastern and southern neighbours. It argues that while linkage has hitherto failed to produce tangible outcomes, and the success of leverage has basically been tied to an EU membership perspective, the governance model of democracy promotion bears greater potential beyond the circle of candidate countries. This third approach, while not tackling the core institutions of the political system as such, but rather promoting transparency, accountability, and participation at the level of state administration, may turn out to remain the EU s most tangible form of democratic governance promotion in the future.

This book was originally published as a special issue of Democratization.

The European Union has developed a wide array of external relations with its neighbouring countries. Without offering full membership, the EU nevertheless attempts to transfer its rules and policies to non-member countries. It is this extension of EU rules beyond EU borders that the analysis of external governance seeks to capture. The contributions to this volume explain the modes and effects of EU external governance in a variety of EU-non-member country relations in Western Europe, the former Soviet Union, and the Mediterranean region. They cover such diverse issues as trade, environment, security, and democracy promotion and explore the effects of EU institutions, EU power, and the domestic structures of its partner countries on the transfer of EU rules.

This book was based on a special issue of Journal of European Public Policy.

This volume presents a theory of constitutionalization as well as comparative analyses and case studies to underscore the claim that the European integration process itself engenders a democratic self-healing mechanism. There exists a consensus among academics, politicians, and the public that the European Union suffers from a 'democratic deficit'. But how can it be resolved? This book deals with two core areas central for the development of the liberal-democratic constitutional state: the extension of the powers of representative assemblies and the institutionalization of human rights. The European Union has made remarkable progress in these two areas over the past half century. Whenever a planned step of European integration through transfers of sovereignty threatens to undermine domestic standards of parliamentary control and human rights standards, political elites in the member states regularly mobilize to counteract these developments. The proponents of the Union's 'constitutionalization' regularly invoke democratic and human rights norms shared by all members of the European Union to successfully exercise moral pressure on the sceptics of further constitutionalization. This book was previously published as a special issue of the Journal of European Public Policy.

This is a key reference text presenting the latest first-rate approaches to the study of European enlargement.

Developed and significantly expanded from a special issue of the leading Journal of European Public Policy, this new volume draws on the insights from the recently emerging theoretically-informed literature on the EU's eastern enlargement and complements these studies with original articles that combine a theoretical approach with comparative analyses.

These expert contributors focus on the broader theoretical debates and their implications for the enlargement of the EU, as well as placing the enlargement of the EU within the broader context of the expansion of international organisations and the study of institutions in international relations.

Previously published as a special issue of the Journal of European Public Policy, this volume presents a theory of constitutionalization as well as comparative analyses and case studies to underscore the claim that the European integration process itself engenders a democratic self-healing mechanism. There exists a consensus among academics, politicians, and the public that the European Union suffers from a 'democratic deficit'. But how can it be resolved? This book deals with two core areas central for the development of the liberal-democratic constitutional state: the extension of the powers of representative assemblies and the institutionalization of human rights. The European Union has made remarkable progress in these two areas over the past half century. Whenever a planned step of European integration through transfers of sovereignty threatens to undermine domestic standards of parliamentary control and human rights standards, political elites in the member states regularly mobilize to counteract these developments. The proponents of the Union's 'constitutionalization' regularly invoke democratic and human rights norms shared by all members of the European Union to successfully exercise moral pressure on the sceptics of further constitutionalization.

Developed and significantly expanded from a special issue of the Journal of European Public Policy, this volume draws on the insights from the recently emerging theoretically-informed literature on the EU's eastern enlargement and complements these studies with original articles that combine a theoretical approach with comparative analyses. The expert contributors focus on the broader theoretical debates and their implications for the enlargement of the EU, as well as placing the enlargement of the EU within the broader context of the expansion of international organizations and the study of institutions in international relations.
This volume is a key reference text presenting the 'state of the art' of theoretical approaches to the study of European enlargement.

The effects of the Eastern enlargement, the biggest so far, are still felt across the European Union (EU). Many warned the EU was about to overreach the limits of its integration capacity. More than a decade later, this book presents a broad-based and systematic evaluation of the 2004-2007's enlargement and its impact on the EU. In contrast to widespread scepticism, our results show that the EU's integration capacity has been strong. Credible accession conditionality and pre-accession assistance have had a positive impact on democracy, governance capacity, and economic transformation, at least before accession. After accession, EU institutions have proven resilient. Eastern enlargement has not affected negatively the legislative capacity of the EU. It has not led to a deterioration of compliance and implementation of EU law either; initial differentiated integration has quickly returned to normal levels. This generally positive assessment stands in stark contrast with increasing public opposition to future EU enlargements. We identify some less known sources of such opposition: the lack of communication and political debate about enlargement between EU leaders and their citizens. Public opposition undermines the credibility of EU conditionality, which is crucial for having a positive impact on neighbouring countries in the future. The chapters in this book originally appeared in a special issue in the Journal of European Public Policy.

The effects of the Eastern enlargement, the biggest so far, are still felt across the European Union (EU). Many warned the EU was about to overreach the limits of its integration capacity. More than a decade later, this book presents a broad-based and systematic evaluation of the 2004-2007's enlargement and its impact on the EU. In contrast to widespread scepticism, our results show that the EU's integration capacity has been strong. Credible accession conditionality and pre-accession assistance have had a positive impact on democracy, governance capacity, and economic transformation, at least before accession. After accession, EU institutions have proven resilient. Eastern enlargement has not affected negatively the legislative capacity of the EU. It has not led to a deterioration of compliance and implementation of EU law either; initial differentiated integration has quickly returned to normal levels. This generally positive assessment stands in stark contrast with increasing public opposition to future EU enlargements. We identify some less known sources of such opposition: the lack of communication and political debate about enlargement between EU leaders and their citizens. Public opposition undermines the credibility of EU conditionality, which is crucial for having a positive impact on neighbouring countries in the future. The chapters in this book originally appeared in a special issue in the Journal of European Public Policy.

Frank Schimmelfennig analyzes the Eastern enlargement of the European Union and NATO and develops a theoretical approach of "rhetorical action" to explain why it occurred. Backed by original data, and drawing on sociological institutional theory, he demonstrates that the expansion to the East can be best understood in terms of liberal democratic values and norms. He highlights the practice of the Western community in shaming opponents into agreeing to enlargement.

Far from displaying a uniform pattern, European integration varies significantly across policy areas and individual countries. Why do some member states choose to opt out of specific EU policies? Why are some policies deeply integrated whereas others remain intergovernmental? In this updated second edition, the authors introduce the most important theoretical approaches to European integration and apply these to the trajectories of key EU policy areas. Arguing that no single theory offers a completely convincing explanation of integration and differentiation in the EU, this thought-provoking book provides a new synthesis of integration theory and an original way of thinking about what the EU is and how it works.

Frank Schimmelfennig analyzes the Eastern enlargement of the European Union and NATO and develops a theoretical approach of "rhetorical action" to explain why it occurred. Backed by original data, and drawing on sociological institutional theory, he demonstrates that the expansion to the East can be best understood in terms of liberal democratic values and norms. He highlights the practice of the Western community in shaming opponents into agreeing to enlargement.

In May 2004, eight former Eastern Bloc countries joined the European Union: the three Baltic republics, Poland, Hungary, the Czech and Slovak republics, and Slovenia. What is involved in accession? How have accession dynamics affected and been affected by the domestic politics of candidate countries and their adoption of EU rules? In this carefully designed volume of original essays, the editors have brought together a group of scholars with firsthand research experience in the new member-states of Central and Eastern Europe. Framed by opening and concluding chapters by Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier that outline several aspects of preparation for accession, the empirical case studies discuss a variety of topics, including democracy and human rights, the reform of state administrations and economic, social, and environmental policies. This book demonstrates the importance of the credibility and the costs of accession conditionality for the adoption of EU rules in Central and Eastern Europe.

In May 2004, eight former Eastern Bloc countries joined the European Union: the three Baltic republics, Poland, Hungary, the Czech and Slovak republics, and Slovenia. What is involved in "accession"? How have accession dynamics affected and been affected by the domestic politics of candidate countries and their adoption of EU rules?

In this carefully designed volume of original essays, the editors have brought together a group of scholars with firsthand research experience in the new member-states of Central and Eastern Europe. Framed by opening and concluding chapters by Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier that outline several aspects of preparation for accession, the empirical case studies discuss a variety of topics, including democracy and human rights, the reform of state administrations and economic, social, and environmental policies. This book demonstrates the importance of the credibility and the costs of accession conditionality for the adoption of EU rules in Central and Eastern Europe.

Contributors: Liliana B. Andonova, Colby College; Antoaneta L. Dimitrova, Leiden University; Stefan Engert, Darmstadt University of Technology; Rachel Epstein, University of Denver; Heather Grabbe, Centre for European Reform and Oxford University; Adrienne Heritier, European University Institute; Wade Jacoby, Brigham Young University; Heiko Knobel, Darmstadt University of Technology; Frank Schimmelfennig, Mannheim Center for European Social Research; Guido Schwellnus, Queen's University of Belfast; Ulrich Sedelmeier, Central European University; Beate Sissenich, Indiana University"

1.1. Die theoretische Herausforderung der Osteuropaischen Revolution: Anlass und Ziele der Untersuchung In den Staaten Osteuropas setzte 1989 ein Systemwandel ein, der die kom munistischen Parteien ihres Herrschaftsmonopols beraubte und eine Trans formation der sozialistischen Gesellschaftsordnungen ausloste. Er orientierte sich an den Grundwerten der liberalen Demokratie: "Rechtsstaatlichkeit"und "Demokratie," "Marktwirtschaft" und "Privateigentum." Im Gefolge dieser Veranderungen losten sich der "Ostblock," der europaische Systemgegensatz zwischen Kommunismus und liberaler Demokratie und damit der Ost-West Konflikt als zentrale Konfliktformationdes internationalen Systems auf. 1991 fiel schliesslich die vormalige "Supermacht" Sowjetunion selbst den Zerfalls prozessen zum Opfer, die der Systemwandel im kommunistischen Imperium verursacht hatte. Ahnlich wie 200 Jahre zuvor die Franzosische Revolution markierte diese Osteuropaische Revolution schon im Bewusstsein der Zeitgenossen einen Wendepunkt der europaischen Geschichte. Wie, 1789" wurde auch die Jahreszahl, 1989" zum Symbol einer tiefgreifenden geschichtlichen Umwal zung. "Ende der Nachkriegszeit," "Ende des Kalten Krieges," "Ende des Kommunismus," "Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts," "Ende der Utopie," "Ende der Geschichte" - so und ahnlich lauteten die stets dem gleichen Muster folgenden Versuche, den Wendepunkt auf den Begriff zu bringen. Diese historische Bedeutung macht die Osteuropaische Revolution zu einem erst rangigen Forschungsobjekt der Sozialwissenschaften."