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Did Hobbes's political philosophy have practical intentions? There
exists no "Hobbist" school of thought; no new political order was
inspired by Hobbesian precepts. Yet in Behemoth Teaches Leviathan
Geoffrey M. Vaughan revisits Behemoth to reveal hitherto unexplored
pedagogic purpose to Hobbes's political philosophy. The work
demonstrates Hobbes's firm commitment to government and his
attempts to create a system of political education to underpin his
commitment to sovereignty. Vaughan explore Hobbes's political
education in detail and in an epilogue considers the resurgence of
political education in contemporary liberal theory. He discovers
that contemporary political education has far more in common with
Hobbes's system than it does with early liberalism.
Great statesmen and gentlemen, men of honor and rank, seem to be
phenomena of a bygone Aristocratic era. Aristocracies, which
emphasize rank, and value difference, quality, beauty, rootedness,
continuity, stand in direct contrast to democracies, which value
equality, autonomy, novelty, standardization, quantity, utility and
mobility. Is there any place for aristocratic values and virtues in
the modern democratic social and political order? This volume
consists of essays by political theorists, historians, and literary
theorists that explore this question in the works of aristocratic
thinkers, both ancient and modern. The volume includes analyses of
aristocratic virtues, interpretations of aristocratic assemblies
and constitutions, both historic and contemporary, as well as
critiques of liberal virtues and institutions. Essays on Tacitus,
Hobbes, Burke, Tocqueville, Nietzsche, as well as some lesser known
figures, such as Henri de Boulainvilliers, John Randolph of
Roanoke, Louis de Bonald, Konstantin Leontiev, Jose Ortega y
Gasset, Richard Weaver, and the Eighth Duke of Northumberland,
explore ways of preserving and adapting the salutary aspects of the
aristocratic ethos to the needs of modern liberal societies.
This book looks at the work and influence of Leo Strauss in a
variety of ways that will be of interest to readers of political
philosophy. It will be of particular interest to Catholics and
scholars of other religious traditions. Strauss had a great deal of
interaction with his contemporary Catholic scholars, and many of
his students or their students teach or have taught at Catholic
colleges and universities in America. Leo Strauss and His Catholic
Readers brings together work by scholars from two continents, some
of whom knew Strauss, one of whom was his student at the University
of Chicago. The first section of essays considers Catholic
responses to Strauss's project of recovering Classical natural
right as against modern individual rights. Some of the authors
suggest that his approach can be a fruitful corrective to an
uncritical reception of modern ideas. Nevertheless, most point out
that the Catholic cannot accept all of Strauss's project. The
second section deals with areas of overlap between Strauss and
Catholics. Some of the chapters explore encounters with his
contemporary scholars while others turn to more current concerns.
The final section approaches the theological-political question
itself, a question central to both Strauss's work and that of the
Catholic intellectual tradition. This section of the book considers
the relationship of Strauss's work to Christianity and Christian
commitments at a broader level. Because Christianity does not have
an explicit political doctrine, Christians have found themselves as
rulers, subjects, and citizens in a variety of political regimes.
Leo Strauss's return to Platonic political philosophy can provide a
useful lens through which his Catholic readers can assess what it
means for there to be a best regime.
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