Any casual observer of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would immediately recognize that the holy city of Jerusalem is the core issue impeding a permanent peace settlement between the two antagonists. The religious symbolism of this city and its centrality to major religious faiths has never faded and has become increasingly vital to various strands of twentieth-century religious nationalisms. The political fate of Jerusalem was inevitably mired in international political struggles of the Cold War, particularly after the United States inherited Britain's mantle as the ultimate arbiter of regional conflicts and strategic disputes. The asymmetrical balance of military power between Israel and Jordan made superpower intervention both inevitable and unpredictable. This study examines the policies of twentieth-century US presidents regarding the status of Jerusalem. It traces the evolution of the United States' embroilment in the politics of Mandatory Palestine, successive wars, and regimes that vied for control over Jerusalem, and tracks the conflicting historical narratives presented by various states in the region. It also takes a detailed look at the role of the American Jewish lobby, which constantly pressured the United States to overlook Israel's refusal to go back to the lines of June 5, 1967, or to stop creating facts on the ground in East Jerusalem. The role of the oil lobby in seeking the reversal of Israeli annexationist steps in Jerusalem is also analyzed. The failure of several American presidents to broker an Arab-Israeli peace agreement is seen here as the result of the latitude enjoyed by presidential advisers in determining the main contours of American foreign policy in this region and guarding access to the chief executive in times of crisis. Finally, the book is an illustration of the perils of downplaying the human rights abuses of junior client states in order to placate national lobby groups in the Untied States, leading to the entrenchment of the Israeli state not only over Jerusalem, but throughout the West Bank.

In this comprehensive examination of the one of the world's most ancient societies, Talhami describes Egypt's quest for a sense of national identity and the factors that have affected the Egyptian identity. Generally polarized over the identity issue since the nineteenth century, Egyptians debated the significance of Sudanese bonds as a definer of Egypt's historic and national development before they debated the significance of Arab, particularly Palestinian, involvement. Nasser's rise to power, Talhami argues, amounted to an inevitable swing in the direction of pan-Arabism because of the strategic developments surrounding the rise of Israel. The author also examines Egypt's foreign policy in light of the identity question. The major conclusion of this study is that Egypt is destined to face northwards and reject isolationism because of strategic developments related to the rise of Israel. Economic and Arab leadership considerations will always impel Egypt to seek a larger role in the Arab world, but this cannot be done without sponsorship of the Palestinian issue. These conclusions challenge the accepted wisdom regarding the Camp David agreements. Those who believe that Egypt can find safety and security by linking itself with a great power while ignoring the historically-proven strategic relevance of the northeast region will find this book startling.

Although the identity debate often becomes a tool of the practicing politician, the historian, the ideologue, and the military strategist, its outcome is most likely to be determined by historical events. Egypt was bound to search for a modern sense of identity. What makes this book unique is its use of the work of literary figures, historians and politicians to investigate the cumulative impact of the changes which occurred during the Sadat period. Talhami's work places the Camp David era against the historical background of the identity debate. The fact that this debate remains unresolved today is a measure of Egypt's uncertain future as a nation and as a political community. While the majority of Egyptians recognize the inevitability of Palestinian involvement, they do not agree on the best course of action. The Persian Gulf War and Egypt's decision to side with the United States in this inter-Arab dispute constitute yet another onslaught on the Palestinians and on Arab identity. Scholars focusing on the Arab world and on Middle Eastern history and politics will find this book provocative and essential reading.

Palestine in the Egyptian Press follows the evolution of the press institution in modern Egypt, as well as of the prominent role the Palestine question played in its rise to political prominence. Through the lens of the press, author Ghada Hashem Talhami studies the development of democracy under authoritarian rule, as successive Egyptian regimes struggled to curb and contain the power of the fourth estate. The Palestine question began to impinge on Egypt's consciousness after World War I, largely due to the manifest pro-Zionist sentiments of a segment of the Jewish population. At the same time, rising Islamic groups and pan-Arabist circles engaged in the national identity debate and quickly seized control of the Palestine question as the most vulnerable area of Egypt's security, identity, and borders. Following the evolution of the press under Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak, Palestine in the Egyptian Press explores the restrictions and freedoms allowed to the media. There is no better reference to explain the press syndicate's rise to prominence, the success of generations of journalists in establishing Arabic as the formal language of Egypt, or the Palestine issue as the centerpiece of Egypt's pan-Arab policies.

Palestine in the Egyptian Press follows the evolution of the press institution in modern Egypt, as well as of the prominent role the Palestine question played in its rise to political prominence. Through the lens of the press, author Ghada Hashem Talhami studies the development of democracy under authoritarian rule, as successive Egyptian regimes struggled to curb and contain the power of the fourth estate. The Palestine question began to impinge on Egypt's consciousness after World War I, largely due to the manifest pro-Zionist sentiments of a segment of the Jewish population. At the same time, rising Islamic groups and pan-Arabist circles engaged in the national identity debate and quickly seized control of the Palestine question as the most vulnerable area of Egypt's security, identity, and borders. Following the evolution of the press under Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak, Palestine in the Egyptian Press explores the restrictions and freedoms allowed to the media. There is no better reference to explain the press syndicate's rise to prominence, the success of generations of journalists in establishing Arabic as the formal language of Egypt, or the Palestine issue as the centerpiece of Egypt's pan-Arab policies.

Any casual observer of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would immediately recognize that the holy city of Jerusalem is the core issue impeding a permanent peace settlement between the two antagonists. The religious symbolism of this city and its centrality to major religious faiths has never faded and has become increasingly vital to various strands of twentieth-century religious nationalisms. The political fate of Jerusalem was inevitably mired in international political struggles of the Cold War, particularly after the United States inherited Britain's mantle as the ultimate arbiter of regional conflicts and strategic disputes. The asymmetrical balance of military power between Israel and Jordan made superpower intervention both inevitable and unpredictable. This study examines the policies of twentieth-century US presidents regarding the status of Jerusalem. It traces the evolution of the United States' embroilment in the politics of Mandatory Palestine, successive wars, and regimes that vied for control over Jerusalem, and tracks the conflicting historical narratives presented by various states in the region. It also takes a detailed look at the role of the American Jewish lobby, which constantly pressured the United States to overlook Israel's refusal to go back to the lines of June 5, 1967, or to stop creating facts on the ground in East Jerusalem. The role of the oil lobby in seeking the reversal of Israeli annexationist steps in Jerusalem is also analyzed. The failure of several American presidents to broker an Arab-Israeli peace agreement is seen here as the result of the latitude enjoyed by presidential advisers in determining the main contours of American foreign policy in this region and guarding access to the chief executive in times of crisis. Finally, the book is an illustration of the perils of downplaying the human rights abuses of junior client states in order to placate national lobby groups in the Untied States, leading to the entrenchment of the Israeli state not only over Jerusalem, but throughout the West Bank.