Though scholarly attention to democracy promotion is increasing, there is still little comparative and theoretically-based work on the protagonists of democracy promotion. This book investigates the motives that drive democracy promotion in a comparative and theoretically oriented manner, exploring how democracy promoters deal with conflicting objectives and the factors that shape their behaviour. It also addresses the more policy-oriented debate on the contemporary challenges to democracy promotion, focusing on US and German policies towards three kinds of challenges: the emergence of 'radical' leftist governments in Bolivia and Ecuador, the political rise of Islamist movements in Turkey and Pakistan, and the consolidation of (semi-)authoritarian rule in Belarus and Russia. In each case, North-Western democracy promoters have been confronted with serious conflicts of objectives between security, economic interests and democracy promotion. The analysis and comparison of such situations in which democracy promoters have to deal with competing objectives and make tough decisions provides powerful evidence as to the factors that shape democracy promotion. The Comparative International Politics of Democracy Promotion will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, comparative politics, democratization studies and foreign policy.

Though scholarly attention to democracy promotion is increasing, there is still little comparative and theoretically-based work on the protagonists of democracy promotion. This book investigates the motives that drive democracy promotion in a comparative and theoretically oriented manner, exploring how democracy promoters deal with conflicting objectives and the factors that shape their behaviour. It also addresses the more policy-oriented debate on the contemporary challenges to democracy promotion, focusing on US and German policies towards three kinds of challenges: the emergence of 'radical' leftist governments in Bolivia and Ecuador, the political rise of Islamist movements in Turkey and Pakistan, and the consolidation of (semi-)authoritarian rule in Belarus and Russia. In each case, North-Western democracy promoters have been confronted with serious conflicts of objectives between security, economic interests and democracy promotion. The analysis and comparison of such situations in which democracy promoters have to deal with competing objectives and make tough decisions provides powerful evidence as to the factors that shape democracy promotion. The Comparative International Politics of Democracy Promotion will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, comparative politics, democratization studies and foreign policy.

This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behavior and support for democracy in 13 countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in "old" and "new" democracies in Europe (Germany, Britain, Spain, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Bulgaria), North and South America (the United States, Chile and Uruguay), and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004. It is methodologically innovative, notwithstanding the fact that its core concern with "political intermediation" (i.e., the flow of political information from parties and candidates to voters through the mass-communications media, membership in secondary associations, and direct, face-to-face contacts within interpersonal networks) was first introduced to the study of electoral behavior by Paul Lazarsfeld and his collaborators in the 1940s. In addition to reviving that long-neglected analytical framework, this book breaks new ground by systematically exploring the impact of socio-political values on electoral behavior. It also analyzes the role of political intermediation in forming basic attitudes towards democracy (which are crucial for the consolidation of new democracies), and, in turn, channeling those orientations into various forms of political behavior. Some of the findings presented in this volume are dramatic, and clearly reveal that these channels of information are among the most powerful factors influencing the development of political attitudes and partisan electoral behavior. So, too, are socio-political values in some countries (particularly the United States). This volume is the first book-length product of the now 18-country Comparative National Elections Project.

This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behavior and support for democracy in 13 countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in "old" and "new" democracies in Europe (Germany, Britain, Spain, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Bulgaria), North and South America (the United States, Chile and Uruguay), and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004. It is methodologically innovative, notwithstanding the fact that its core concern with "political intermediation" (i.e., the flow of political information from parties and candidates to voters through the mass-communications media, membership in secondary associations, and direct, face-to-face contacts within interpersonal networks) was first introduced to the study of electoral behavior by Paul Lazarsfeld and his collaborators in the 1940s. In addition to reviving that long-neglected analytical framework, this book breaks new ground by systematically exploring the impact of socio-political values on electoral behavior. It also analyzes the role of political intermediation in forming basic attitudes towards democracy (which are crucial for the consolidation of new democracies), and, in turn, channeling those orientations into various forms of political behavior. Some of the findings presented in this volume are dramatic, and clearly reveal that these channels of information are among the most powerful factors influencing the development of political attitudes and partisan electoral behavior. So, too, are socio-political values in some countries (particularly the United States). This volume is the first book-length product of the now 18-country Comparative National Elections Project.

In "The Politics of Democratic Consolidation," a distinguished group of internationally recognized scholars focus on four nations of Southern Europe--Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Greece--which have successfully consolidated their democratic regimes. Contributors are P. Nikiforos Diamandouros, Richard Gunther, Hans-Jurgen Puhle, Edward Malefakis, Juan J. Linz, Alfred Stepan, Felipe Aguero, Geoffrey Pridham, Sidney Tarrow, Leonardo Morlino, Jose R. Montero, Gianfranco Pasquino, and Philippe C. Schmitter.

Das Buch analysiert aus empirischer Perspektive die Chancen, Wege und Ergebnisse demokratischer Entwicklung in jungen Transformationslandern. An ausgewahlten Landern in Lateinamerika, Osteuropa und Ostasien wird gezeigt, wie "Defekte" in jungen Demokratien entstehen, welche Formen sie annehmen, wann und wie sie sich verfestigen, verandern oder aufloesen lassen.

Das Buch fasst wesentliche Erkenntnisse der Transformationsforschung der vergangenen 40 Jahre zusammen. Er prasentiert, kommentiert und diskutiert die wichtigsten politikwissenschaftlichen Ansatze, die den UEbergang autokratischer in demokratischer Herrschaftsordnungen zu erklaren suchen. Auf dem Hintergrund dieser theoretischen UEberlegungen werden dann die besonderen Hindernisse, Probleme und Chancen herausgearbeitet, die sich innerhalb der drei grossen Transformationsetappen - der Abloesung des alten Regimes, der Institutionalisierung sowie der Konsolidierung der Demokratie - ergeben. Abschliessend wird anhand von drei Beispielen Osteuropas gezeigt, warum Transformationsprozesse hin zur Demokratie erfolgreich verlaufen (Ungarn), verzoegert werden (Russland) oder scheitern (Weissrussland). Das Buch eignet sich besonders fur Studenten und Interessierte, die sich einen UEberblick uber die Ansatze, Probleme und Ergebnisse der Transformations- und Demokratisierungsforschung verschaffen wollen.

Das Buch beschaftigt sich mit der Frage, wie Demokratie als eine moderne Ordnung politischer Herrschaft theoretisch definiert werden kann und defekte Demokratien von liberal-rechtsstaatlichen Demokratien unterschieden werden koennen. Es wird ein dreidimensionales Demokratiekonzept prasentiert und eine Typologie defekter Demokratien entwickelt.