This book examines the relationship between globalisation and regionalism through a detailed analysis of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) project. It analyses how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of AFTA over the past 10 years, arguing that although AFTA was triggered primarily by the pressures of globalisation, it was a tussle between the imperatives of growth and domestic distribution that shaped the way economic cooperation unfolded and the forms it took.

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Supranational regionalism and regional integration have for a long time been top-down processes, led by the few and imposed on the many. The role of citizens, especially those active in civil society, has been neglected by scholars, students, and commentators of regionalism. In reaction to the prevalence of these top-down models, a "new regionalism" approach has proliferated in the past few years. This book aims to further develop such a research agenda by providing an up-to-date overview of the contribution of civil society to world regionalism, from Europe to Africa, Asia, and the Americas. This is not only relevant as a research topic; it is also of critical importance from a political standpoint. As regions across the world experience prolonged governance crises, it becomes paramount to understand the extent to which these new regional formations actually reflect the interests and needs of their people. While old regionalism was accepted as a de facto elite-driven byproduct of both the Cold War and neoliberal globalization, the twenty-first-century regionalism-if it is to survive-will need to refocus its objectives through new forms of participation and inclusion. Regions without citizens are unlikely to stand the test of time, especially in times of crises.

While the focus on national governments as the main providers of different forms of transnational governance in Southeast Asia is entirely understandable, such a focus can significantly underestimate the roles played by non-state actors. This comprehensive collection provides five different case studies that explore in detail how these governance forms work in different policy arenas. While previous studies have noted the way that non-state actors act as pressure or advisory groups, lobbying or advising states and regional organisations, this book explores how they are now more actively involved in a variety of cross-border networked forms of coordination, providing standards, rules and practices that other actors voluntarily abide by. The chapters in this volume reveal variations in the architecture of transnational governance, why they emerge, the modes of social co-ordination through which they work to shape actor behaviour and achieve impact, their normative implications, and how these governance schemes intersect with state and national regulatory frameworks. The authors point to the importance of looking beyond arrangements established through intergovernmental mechanisms in order to gain a full understanding of how international interactions are organised in Southeast Asia. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary Asia.

What is the relationship between globalization and economic security? Globalisation and Economic Security in East Asia is an incisive new engagement with this important question that uses detailed conceptual exploration and fresh empirical analysis.
Viewing traditional neorealist conceptions of economic security as overly narrow, this new study suggests that any conception of economic security in the contemporary era needs to also pay close attention to the nature of global capitalism, and the insecurities it generates for societies and individuals.
This uniquely open-ended approach to conceptualizing economic security is supported by the East Asian experience. The country case studies included here reveal that while economic security has largely been posed as one of ensuring sustainable economic growth and equitable social development, particularly following the 1997 to 1998 Asian financial crisis, other, more realist conceptions of economic security have not become irrelevant. This is also an exploration of whether and how national, regional and multilateral institutions, as well as non-state regional mechanisms, help policy makers meet the task of governing in the interests of economic security.
This book will be of great interest to all students and scholars of international relations, international political economy of East Asia globalization and security studies.

What is the relationship between globalization and economic security? This incisive new engagement with this important question, uses detailed conceptual exploration and fresh empirical analysis. Viewing traditional neorealist conceptions of economic security as overly narrow, this new study suggests that any conception of economic security in the contemporary era needs to also pay close attention to the nature of global capitalism, and the insecurities it generates for societies and individuals. This uniquely open-ended or eclectic approach to conceptualising economic security is supported by the East Asian experience. The country case studies included here reveal that while economic security has largely been posed as one of ensuring sustainable economic growth and equitable social development, particularly following the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, other, more realist conceptions of economic security have not become irrelevant. This is also an exploration of whether and how national, regional and multilateral institutions, as well as non-state regional mechanisms, help policymakers meet the task of governing in the interests of economic security. sacrifice of traditional realism that may be important to some countries depending on the strategic environment they face. This book will be of great interest to all students and scholars of International Relations, International Political Economy of East Asia Globalization and Security Studies.

While the focus on national governments as the main providers of different forms of transnational governance in Southeast Asia is entirely understandable, such a focus can significantly underestimate the roles played by non-state actors. This comprehensive collection provides five different case studies that explore in detail how these governance forms work in different policy arenas. While previous studies have noted the way that non-state actors act as pressure or advisory groups, lobbying or advising states and regional organisations, this book explores how they are now more actively involved in a variety of cross-border networked forms of coordination, providing standards, rules and practices that other actors voluntarily abide by. The chapters in this volume reveal variations in the architecture of transnational governance, why they emerge, the modes of social co-ordination through which they work to shape actor behaviour and achieve impact, their normative implications, and how these governance schemes intersect with state and national regulatory frameworks. The authors point to the importance of looking beyond arrangements established through intergovernmental mechanisms in order to gain a full understanding of how international interactions are organised in Southeast Asia. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary Asia.

Supranational regionalism and regional integration have for a long time been top-down processes, led by the few and imposed on the many. The role of citizens, especially those active in civil society, has been neglected by scholars, students, and commentators of regionalism. In reaction to the prevalence of these top-down models, a "new regionalism" approach has proliferated in the past few years. This book aims to further develop such a research agenda by providing an up-to-date overview of the contribution of civil society to world regionalism, from Europe to Africa, Asia, and the Americas. This is not only relevant as a research topic; it is also of critical importance from a political standpoint. As regions across the world experience prolonged governance crises, it becomes paramount to understand the extent to which these new regional formations actually reflect the interests and needs of their people. While old regionalism was accepted as a de facto elite-driven byproduct of both the Cold War and neoliberal globalization, the twenty-first-century regionalism-if it is to survive-will need to refocus its objectives through new forms of participation and inclusion. Regions without citizens are unlikely to stand the test of time, especially in times of crises.