This book is a long-term empirical analysis of the impact of the civil rights movement on the real-life situations of southern blacks. Looking at the period from the late 1950s to the mid-1980s, it assesses the role of black political participation in six Florida cities.

Originally published in 1993.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

While many studies of domestic collective violence, especially of the black riots of the 1960s, emphasize the causes of violence, James Button's is a major investigation of the consequences of violence. He not only analyzes how and to what extent the national government responded to the black urban riots, but he also moves toward a theoretical definition of the role of collective violence in a democratic society. In so doing, the author clarifies the utility or disutility of collective violence as a minority group strategy for effecting political change. Using a variety of sources and research techniques, Professor Button evaluates the effects of ghetto violence on public policy from a perspective that ranges from the earliest riots in 1963 to the later riots and their long-term impact through 1972. His use of rigorous empirical evidence to explore policy effects at the federal level fills the gap often left by more impressionistic research limited to case studies at a local level. The author's data indicate that many federal executive officials interpreted the acts of black urban violence in the 1960s as politically purposeful revolts intended to make demands upon those in power. James Button's work poses a serious challenge to those who argue that collective violence is apolitical, counterproductive, and pathological. Originally published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This book is a long-term empirical analysis of the impact of the civil rights movement on the real-life situations of southern blacks. Looking at the period from the late 1950s to the mid-1980s, it assesses the role of black political participation in six Florida cities. Originally published in 1989. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

While many studies of domestic collective violence, especially of the black riots of the 1960s, emphasize the causes of violence, James Button's is a major investigation of the consequences of violence. He not only analyzes how and to what extent the national government responded to the black urban riots, but he also moves toward a theoretical definition of the role of collective violence in a democratic society. In so doing, the author clarifies the utility or disutility of collective violence as a minority group strategy for effecting political change. Using a variety of sources and research techniques, Professor Button evaluates the effects of ghetto violence on public policy from a perspective that ranges from the earliest riots in 1963 to the later riots and their long-term impact through 1972. His use of rigorous empirical evidence to explore policy effects at the federal level fills the gap often left by more impressionistic research limited to case studies at a local level. The author's data indicate that many federal executive officials interpreted the acts of black urban violence in the 1960s as politically purposeful revolts intended to make demands upon those in power. James Button's work poses a serious challenge to those who argue that collective violence is apolitical, counterproductive, and pathological. Originally published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The civil rights movement of the 1960s improved the political and legal status of African Americans, but the quest for equality in employment and economic well-being has lagged behind. Blacks are more than twice as likely as whites to be employed in lower-paying service jobs or to be unemployed, are three times as likely to live in poverty, and have a median household income barely half of that for white households. What accounts for these disparities, and what possibilities are there for overcoming obstacles to black economic progress? This book seeks answers to these questions through a combined quantitative and qualitative study of six municipalities in Florida.

Factors impeding the quest for equality include employer discrimination, inadequate education, increasing competition for jobs from white females and Latinos, and a lack of transportation, job training, affordable childcare, and other sources of support, which makes it difficult for blacks to compete effectively. Among factors aiding in the quest is the impact of black political power in enhancing opportunities for African Americans in municipal employment.

The authors conclude by proposing a variety of ameliorative measures: strict enforcement of antidiscrimination laws; public policies to provide disadvantaged people with a good education, adequate shelter and food, and decent jobs; and self-help efforts by blacks to counter self-destructive attitudes and activities.