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The Coventry Blitz of 14 November 1940 was a key event of the Second World War and in the growth of public consciousness of the destructive power of warfare. The medieval city, already undergoing rapid change, was largely destroyed on that night. The destruction was seen as an opportunity by some including the then City Architect, Donald Gibson. The result was the first of the master plans for post-war redevelopment of Britain's bombed city centres. The redevelopment of Coventry city centre to plans by Gibson and his successors provided an intensely urban and civilised centre, embodying new planning principles. Post-war Coventry was hugely influential and Gibson's ideas helped to shape the rebuilding of other city centres, the post-war new towns and developments in Europe. Despite incremental change in the subsequent decades the planning and architecture of Gibson's city centre are still clearly legible. The modern demands of a growing city on its centre are now very different from those of the post-war years. Coventry needs to grow and plan for its future and change will inevitably affect the city centre. This book aims to inform the public and decision makers of the significance of Coventry, and especially its centre, so that change can be managed in ways that will continue the life, use and enjoyment of the best of Coventry's remarkable post-war heritage.

This book interrogates the ideology and practices of liberal constitutionalism in the Zambian postcolony. The analysis focuses on the residual political and governmental effects of an Imperial form of power, embodied in the person of the Republican President, termed here Prerogativism. Through systematic, long-term ethnographic engagement with Zambian constitutionalist activists - lawyers, judges and civic leaders - the study examines how Prerogativism has shaped the postcolonial political landscape, and limited the possibilities of constitutional liberalism. This is revealed in the ways that repeated efforts to reform the constitution have side-lined popular participation, and thus failed to address the deep divide between a small elite stratum (from which the constitutional activists are drawn) and the marginalized masses of the population. Along the way, the study documents the intimate interpenetration of political and legal action, and examines how Prerogativism delimits the political engagements of elite actors. Special attention is given to the reluctance of the legal activists to engage with popular politics, and to the conservative ethos that undermines efforts to pursue a jurisprudence of transformational constitutionalism in the findings of the Constitutional Court. The work contributes to the rising interest in applying socio-legal analysis to the statutory domain in postcolonial jurisdictions. It offers a pioneering attempt to deconstruct the amorphous and ambivalent assemblage of ideas and practices related to constitutionalism through detailed ethnographic interrogation. It will appeal to scholars, students and practitioners with an interest in theorizing challenges to political liberalism in postcolonial contexts, as well as in rethinking the methodological toolbox of socio-legal analysis.

Left Behind: Rural Zambia in the Third Republic seeks to identify persistent obstacles associated with integrating rural producers into the national economy. The analysis draws primarily on studies of the southern Luapula plateau. The economic citizenship of rural Zambians is an end in itself, but it also helps secure their democratic participation in defining the means and ends of the nation's development. Small-scale farmers have generally lost out on both counts. For all of its much-touted 'potential', agriculture remains a back-breaking, unrewarding and uncertain livelihood for most Zambians, much as it was at independence forty-five years ago. The findings presented here demonstrate how government officials, chiefs and MPs are often distracted by concerns related more to their own, rather than their constituencies' fortunes. When will rural Zambians find the means to have their voice heard in the corridors of power?

Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRSs) are the new buzzwords in development aid. Some seventy developing countries have already elaborated a PRS in response to the requirements of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and bilateral aid agencies and as a precondition for rolling over past debts or obtaining new assistance. While it may be premature to reach conclusions as to their ultimate economic and social impacts, implications for local policy making and political processes, as this book explains, are already becoming clear. PRSs, as with the Structural Adjustment policies that they have ostensibly replaced, run up against a central paradox: in vesting decisive policymaking powers in external agencies, the very process of drawing up development strategies to prioritize reducing poverty can undermine the consolidation of democratic forces, structures and ideas in developing countries. While the nuanced conclusions of these field studies show that the political terrain and the specific impacts of PRSs in different countries are highly variegated, serious questions arise about the long-term political consequences of this new generation of contemporary development practices.