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Though scholarly attention to democracy promotion is increasing,
there is still little comparative and theoretically-based work on
the protagonists of democracy promotion. This book investigates the
motives that drive democracy promotion in a comparative and
theoretically oriented manner, exploring how democracy promoters
deal with conflicting objectives and the factors that shape their
behaviour. It also addresses the more policy-oriented debate on the
contemporary challenges to democracy promotion, focusing on US and
German policies towards three kinds of challenges: the emergence of
'radical' leftist governments in Bolivia and Ecuador, the political
rise of Islamist movements in Turkey and Pakistan, and the
consolidation of (semi-)authoritarian rule in Belarus and Russia.
In each case, North-Western democracy promoters have been
confronted with serious conflicts of objectives between security,
economic interests and democracy promotion. The analysis and
comparison of such situations in which democracy promoters have to
deal with competing objectives and make tough decisions provides
powerful evidence as to the factors that shape democracy promotion.
The Comparative International Politics of Democracy Promotion will
be of interest to students and scholars of international relations,
comparative politics, democratization studies and foreign policy.
Though scholarly attention to democracy promotion is increasing,
there is still little comparative and theoretically-based work on
the protagonists of democracy promotion. This book investigates the
motives that drive democracy promotion in a comparative and
theoretically oriented manner, exploring how democracy promoters
deal with conflicting objectives and the factors that shape their
behaviour. It also addresses the more policy-oriented debate on the
contemporary challenges to democracy promotion, focusing on US and
German policies towards three kinds of challenges: the emergence of
'radical' leftist governments in Bolivia and Ecuador, the political
rise of Islamist movements in Turkey and Pakistan, and the
consolidation of (semi-)authoritarian rule in Belarus and Russia.
In each case, North-Western democracy promoters have been
confronted with serious conflicts of objectives between security,
economic interests and democracy promotion. The analysis and
comparison of such situations in which democracy promoters have to
deal with competing objectives and make tough decisions provides
powerful evidence as to the factors that shape democracy promotion.
The Comparative International Politics of Democracy Promotion will
be of interest to students and scholars of international relations,
comparative politics, democratization studies and foreign policy.
This edited volume presents a detailed account of the dynamics of
socioeconomic contention in Egypt and Tunisia since 2011. Combining
quantitative and qualitative methods, it analyses what has happened
to the socioeconomic grievances that played a key role in the mass
mobilizations of 2010 and 2011. The book is based on an original
data set of socioeconomic protests in the two countries and on
in-depth case studies that cover the two most important types of
socioeconomic contention: labor protests and protests by
socioeconomically disadvantaged people outside the formal economy.
Drawing on a systematic review of comparative research on Latin
America, the authors argue that the dynamics of socioeconomic
contention in contemporary Egypt and Tunisia reflect a deep-seated
crisis of popular sector incorporation. This work promises to
enrich the scholarly and the political debates on Egypt and
Tunisia, the MENA region and on contentious politics in times of
political change. Chapter 10 of this book is available open access
under a CC BY 4.0 license at link.springer.com.
This edited volume presents a detailed account of the dynamics of
socioeconomic contention in Egypt and Tunisia since 2011. Combining
quantitative and qualitative methods, it analyses what has happened
to the socioeconomic grievances that played a key role in the mass
mobilizations of 2010 and 2011. The book is based on an original
data set of socioeconomic protests in the two countries and on
in-depth case studies that cover the two most important types of
socioeconomic contention: labor protests and protests by
socioeconomically disadvantaged people outside the formal economy.
Drawing on a systematic review of comparative research on Latin
America, the authors argue that the dynamics of socioeconomic
contention in contemporary Egypt and Tunisia reflect a deep-seated
crisis of popular sector incorporation. This work promises to
enrich the scholarly and the political debates on Egypt and
Tunisia, the MENA region and on contentious politics in times of
political change. Chapter 10 of this book is available open access
under a CC BY 4.0 license at link.springer.com.
This book studies the justice concerns of political actors in
important international regimes and international and domestic
conflicts and traces their effects on peace and conflict. The book
demonstrates that such justice concerns play an ambivalent role for
the resolution of conflicts and maintenance of order. While
arrangements that actors perceive as just will provide a good basis
for peaceful relations, the pursuit of justice can create conflicts
or make existing ones more difficult to resolve. The Chapter
"Justice from an Interdisciplinary Perspective: The Impact of the
Revolution in Human Sciences on Peace Research and International
Relations" by Harald Muller is available open access under a CC BY
4.0 license at link.springer.com.
This coauthored monograph examines how business groups have
interacted with state authorities in the three central Andean
countries from the mid-twentieth century through the early
twenty-first. This time span covers three distinct economic
regimes: the period of state-led import substitutive
industrialization from the 1950s through the 1970s, the
neoliberalism of the 1980s and 1990s, and the post-neoliberal
period since the earlier 2000s. These three countries share many
similarities but also have important differences that reveal how
power is manifested. Peru has had an almost unbroken hegemony of
business elites who leverage their power over areas of state
activity that affect them. Bolivia, by contrast, shows how strong
social movements have challenged business dominance at crucial
periods, reflecting a weaker elite class that is less able to
exercise influence over decision-making. Ecuador falls in between
these two, with business elites being more fragmented than in Peru
and social movements being weaker than in Bolivia. The authors
analyze the viability of these different regimes and economic
models, why they change in specific circumstances, and how they
affect the state and its citizen.
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