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Over the course of the twentieth century, democracies demonstrated
an uncanny ability to win wars when their survival was at stake. As
this book makes clear, this success cannot be explained merely by
superior military equipment or a particular geographical advantage.
Instead, it is argued that the legal frameworks imbedded in
democratic societies offered them a fundamental advantage over
their more politically restricted rivals. For democracies fight
wars aided by codes of behaviour shaped by their laws, customs and
treaties that reflect the wider values of their society. This means
that voters and the public can influence the decision to wage and
sustain war. Thus, a precarious balance between government,
parliament and military leadership is the backbone of any democracy
at war, and the key to success or failure. Beginning with the
sixteenth- and seventeenth-century writings of Alberico Gentili and
Hugo Grotius, this book traces the rise of legal concepts of war
between states. It argues that the ideas and theories set out by
the likes of Gentili and Grotius were to provide the bedrock of
western democratic thinking in wartime. The book then moves on to
look in detail at the two World Wars of the twentieth century and
how legal thinking adapted itself to the realities of industrial
and total war. In particular it focuses upon the impact of
differing political ideologies on the conduct of war, and how
combatant nations were frequently forced to challenge core beliefs
and values in order to win. Through a combination of history and
legal philosophy, this book contributes to a better understanding
of democratic government when it is most severely tested at war.
The ideas and concepts addressed will resonate, both with those
studying the past, and current events.
Over the course of the twentieth century, democracies demonstrated
an uncanny ability to win wars when their survival was at stake. As
this book makes clear, this success cannot be explained merely by
superior military equipment or a particular geographical advantage.
Instead, it is argued that the legal frameworks imbedded in
democratic societies offered them a fundamental advantage over
their more politically restricted rivals. For democracies fight
wars aided by codes of behaviour shaped by their laws, customs and
treaties that reflect the wider values of their society. This means
that voters and the public can influence the decision to wage and
sustain war. Thus, a precarious balance between government,
parliament and military leadership is the backbone of any democracy
at war, and the key to success or failure. Beginning with the
sixteenth- and seventeenth-century writings of Alberico Gentili and
Hugo Grotius, this book traces the rise of legal concepts of war
between states. It argues that the ideas and theories set out by
the likes of Gentili and Grotius were to provide the bedrock of
western democratic thinking in wartime. The book then moves on to
look in detail at the two World Wars of the twentieth century and
how legal thinking adapted itself to the realities of industrial
and total war. In particular it focuses upon the impact of
differing political ideologies on the conduct of war, and how
combatant nations were frequently forced to challenge core beliefs
and values in order to win. Through a combination of history and
legal philosophy, this book contributes to a better understanding
of democratic government when it is most severely tested at war.
The ideas and concepts addressed will resonate, both with those
studying the past, and current events.
An Introduction to European Intergovernmental Organizations
provides an up-to-date and accessible reference to European
intergovernmental organizations other than the European Union. The
EU is so dominant that people often overlook the multitude of older
and newer, smaller and larger intergovernmental organizations
rooted in the history of contemporary Europe which continue to help
shape its future. The specialized character of these organizations
adds value to cooperation in Europe as a whole, creates permanent
channels of communication regardless of EU membership and allows
the possibility for non-European involvement through organizations
such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and
NATO. It also allows sub regional groups of states, such as the
Nordic countries or the Benelux countries to exist and express
their own identity via their own organizations. This book looks at
the history of Non-EU organizations, their decision-making
characteristics, membership policies, legal powers actions and
interactions with each other and the European Union. A uniform
scheme of analysis is used to make European intergovernmental
organizations comparable and by studying them we gain a deeper
understanding and insight into European affairs.
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