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The question of where, and with whom, power lies in the post Cold
War world is explored here. The authors identify and discuss the
factors which make the United States the world leader in the 1990s,
and consider the strengths and weaknesses of countries which may be
on the way to becoming leaders in Europe (Russia and the European
Union) and Asia (Japan and China). The authors' main argument is
that the world is becoming 'unitripolar' with the United States as
its pivotal, though not fully hegemonic, power.
This book offers an original and distinct analysis of NATO's
post-Cold War evolution. Unlike so much of the available
literature, it is not focused on what in the author's opinion NATO
should be doing now that the Cold War is over. Rather, the author
offers a comprehensive analysis and overview of the extent to which
NATO can undertake new roles, tasks and missions in light of the
extent to which it has retained significance and vitality as an
international institution. The book's originality also lies in the
way in which the author discusses NATO's adaptation within a
framework provided by international relations theory, and in
particular concepts which stress the role and importance of
transnational political processes and international regimes. So far
these have been little used in the analysis of military security
relations and institutions. The book will be of interest to those
researching and teaching international relations, European politics
and security studies, as well as all those seeking a better
understanding of the post-Cold War survival and development of a
key international security institution.
This book offers a comparative analysis of the approaches, policies
and records of the administrations of Bill Clinton and George W.
Bush, through an examination of key foreign policy issues that
caused controversy and debate both during the 1990s and in the
years since 9/11. In the post 9/11 security environment, three
issues were identified by the Bush administration as being at the
heart of a threat 'nexus' - issues that had also preoccupied the
Clinton administration. These were the threats and challenges posed
by international terrorism, particularly of the militant Islamist
type, the so called 'rogue states', and the US response to the
actual and potential proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Smith explores the responses to these issues and the debates
surrounding the nature of US engagement with key regions and
states, teasing out areas of similarity and difference in the
policies and approaches of the Clinton and Bush administrations.
Attention is also given to the contrast frequently drawn between
Clinton's alleged predilection for multilateral approaches to
international relations and Bush's supposed hard-edged
unilateralism. This book will prove useful to scholars and students
in the fields of US foreign policy, politics, international
relations, security studies and public policy.
This book offers a fresh assessment of George W. Bush's foreign
policies. It is not designed to offer an evaluation of the totality
of George W. Bush's foreign policy. Instead, the analysis will
focus on the key aspects of his foreign and security policy record,
in each case considering the interplay between principle and
pragmatism. The underpinning contention here is that policy
formulation and implementation across Bush's two terms can more
usefully be analysed in terms of shades of grey, rather than the
black and white hues in which it has often been painted. Thus, in
some key policy areas it will be seen that the overall record was
more pragmatic and successful than his many critics have been
prepared to give him credit for. The president and his advisers
were sometimes prepared to alter and amend their policy direction,
on occasion significantly. Context and personalities, interpersonal
and interagency, both played a role here. Where these came together
most visibly - for instance in connection with dual impasses over
Iraq and Iran - exigencies on the ground sometimes found expression
in personnel changes. In turn, the changing fortunes of Bush's
first term principals presaged policy changes in his second. What
emerges from a more detached study of key aspects of the Bush
administration - during a complicated and challenging period in the
United States' post-Cold War history, marked by the dramatic
emergence of international Islamist terrorism as the dominant
international security threat - is a more complex picture than any
generalization can ever hope to sustain, regardless of how often it
is repeated. This book will be of much interest to students of US
foreign policy, international politics and security studies.
This book offers a fresh assessment of the Bush presidency that
builds on the 'first cut of history' (much of which is partisan)
and the growing collection of memoirs and personal accounts
purporting to explain America's 43rd president. This account
challenges readers to look more closely at the strengths and
weaknesses of Bush's two-term administration. Carefully reached, it
provides compelling evidence to support its two main arguments:
first, that this was a more complex administration than its
actions, often judged crude and ill-conceived, suggested, and one
that was capable of crafting much praised and politically sound
positions. The second argument contends that the Bush
administration largely (though not entirely) failed to grasp how
the international system was changing (including, for example, the
impact of the emergence of rising powers and the myriad
implications of globalisation) and thus failed to position the US
to meet the challenges of the 21st century. The book is intended as
a critique, not a criticism, of the Bush administration.
Significantly, it will be one of the first books to surpass the
'rush to judgement' accounts, by dealing comprehensively and
reflectively with the whole Bush Presidency.
In order to unravel this presidency, the book explores the major
foreign-policy initiatives undertaken by the administration using
the language of 'problems'. This framework will be used to analyse
the conception, crafting and implementation of Bush's policies. It
will also examine how these were received and perceived, both by
opponents in the US and elsewhere, and assess the impact of factors
partially or wholly outside the control of the US, notably
'events'.
This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign
policy, international politics and security studies.
This book offers a comparative analysis of the approaches, policies
and records of the Clinton administration and the current
administration of George W. Bush with regard to key foreign policy
issues. The issue areas selected for examination are those that
have aroused particular controversy and debate over the recent
past. In Part One the three issues identified by the Bush
administration in the post -9/11 security environment as being at
the heart of a threat 'nexus' will be examined and assessed.
Although sometimes forgotten in post-9/11 debates, these same
issues also preoccupied the Clinton administration for substantial
parts of its term during the 1990s. Chapter One will consider the
respective responses to the threats and challenges posed by
international terrorism, particularly of the militant Islamic type.
Chapter Two will focus on the so-called 'rogue states'; first
systematically identified as such during President Clinton's term
of office. Chapter Three will round out this section by examining
the US response to the actual and potential proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction (WMD), most especially by 'rogue'
states.In Part Two attention will turn to debates surrounding the
nature of US engagement with key regions and states. These debates
preceded 9/11 and were prominent during the Clinton years. They
have enjoyed continuing currency during the current Bush
administration. Chapter Four will examine US policy towards the
Middle East since 1993, with a particular focus on the
Israel-Palestinian peace process. The analytical agenda for Chapter
Five will focus on relations with China and Russia, arguably the
two most challenging and important single-state relationships that
have confronted US policy-makers since the end of the Cold War.
Possibly the best-known of all the debates that have surrounded
their respective foreign policies relate to Clinton's alleged
predilection for multilateral approaches to international relations
and to dealing with security problems (at least during his early
years) and the contrast with Bush's supposed hard-edged
unilateralism. The two chapters in Part Three will be focused on
these issues.Relevant debates will be unpacked and explored via
discussion of US policy and attitudes towards the United Nations in
Chapter Six and, as a follow-on regional case study, NATO and
transatlantic security relations in Chapter Seven. The final
substantive section of the book - Part Four - will turn the
spotlight onto an area that has been relatively little examined in
comparison to those outlined above. This is what is often referred
to generically as the 'soft security agenda'. The label is used to
cover a broad and disparate set of issues, of which three will be
selected for consideration in Chapter Eight, on the grounds that
they offer the most significant insights into the respective
approaches adopted by the two Administrations under consideration
here. The three issues which will be examined in this chapter are:
the environment and, in particular, international attempts to
tackle global climate change; overseas aid and assistance,
particularly with regard to Africa and, finally, the politics of
disease, with a particular focus on international efforts to combat
the spread of AIDS.
This book offers an original and distinct analysis of NATO's
post-Cold War evolution. Unlike so much of the available
literature, it is not focused on what in the author's opinion NATO
should be doing now that the Cold War is over. Rather, the author
offers a comprehensive analysis and overview of the extent to which
NATO can undertake new roles, tasks and missions in light of the
extent to which it has retained significance and vitality as an
international institution. The book's originality also lies in the
way in which the author discusses NATO's adaptation within a
framework provided by international relations theory, and in
particular concepts which stress the role and importance of
transnational political processes and international regimes. So far
these have been little used in the analysis of military security
relations and institutions. The book will be of interest to those
researching and teaching international relations, European politics
and security studies, as well as all those seeking a better
understanding of the post-Cold War survival and development of a
key international security institution.
This book explores the question of where power lies in the
post-Cold War world. The authors identify and discuss the factors
which make the United States the world leader in the 1990s, and
consider the strengths and weaknesses of countries which may be on
the way to becoming leaders in Europe (Russia and the EU) and Asia
(Japan and China).
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