The question of where, and with whom, power lies in the post Cold War world is explored here. The authors identify and discuss the factors which make the United States the world leader in the 1990s, and consider the strengths and weaknesses of countries which may be on the way to becoming leaders in Europe (Russia and the European Union) and Asia (Japan and China). The authors' main argument is that the world is becoming 'unitripolar' with the United States as its pivotal, though not fully hegemonic, power.

This book offers an original and distinct analysis of NATO's post-Cold War evolution. Unlike so much of the available literature, it is not focused on what in the author's opinion NATO should be doing now that the Cold War is over. Rather, the author offers a comprehensive analysis and overview of the extent to which NATO can undertake new roles, tasks and missions in light of the extent to which it has retained significance and vitality as an international institution. The book's originality also lies in the way in which the author discusses NATO's adaptation within a framework provided by international relations theory, and in particular concepts which stress the role and importance of transnational political processes and international regimes. So far these have been little used in the analysis of military security relations and institutions. The book will be of interest to those researching and teaching international relations, European politics and security studies, as well as all those seeking a better understanding of the post-Cold War survival and development of a key international security institution.

This book offers a comparative analysis of the approaches, policies and records of the administrations of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, through an examination of key foreign policy issues that caused controversy and debate both during the 1990s and in the years since 9/11. In the post 9/11 security environment, three issues were identified by the Bush administration as being at the heart of a threat 'nexus' - issues that had also preoccupied the Clinton administration. These were the threats and challenges posed by international terrorism, particularly of the militant Islamist type, the so called 'rogue states', and the US response to the actual and potential proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Smith explores the responses to these issues and the debates surrounding the nature of US engagement with key regions and states, teasing out areas of similarity and difference in the policies and approaches of the Clinton and Bush administrations. Attention is also given to the contrast frequently drawn between Clinton's alleged predilection for multilateral approaches to international relations and Bush's supposed hard-edged unilateralism. This book will prove useful to scholars and students in the fields of US foreign policy, politics, international relations, security studies and public policy.

This book offers a fresh assessment of George W. Bush's foreign policies. It is not designed to offer an evaluation of the totality of George W. Bush's foreign policy. Instead, the analysis will focus on the key aspects of his foreign and security policy record, in each case considering the interplay between principle and pragmatism. The underpinning contention here is that policy formulation and implementation across Bush's two terms can more usefully be analysed in terms of shades of grey, rather than the black and white hues in which it has often been painted. Thus, in some key policy areas it will be seen that the overall record was more pragmatic and successful than his many critics have been prepared to give him credit for. The president and his advisers were sometimes prepared to alter and amend their policy direction, on occasion significantly. Context and personalities, interpersonal and interagency, both played a role here. Where these came together most visibly - for instance in connection with dual impasses over Iraq and Iran - exigencies on the ground sometimes found expression in personnel changes. In turn, the changing fortunes of Bush's first term principals presaged policy changes in his second. What emerges from a more detached study of key aspects of the Bush administration - during a complicated and challenging period in the United States' post-Cold War history, marked by the dramatic emergence of international Islamist terrorism as the dominant international security threat - is a more complex picture than any generalization can ever hope to sustain, regardless of how often it is repeated. This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign policy, international politics and security studies.

This title was fist published in 2000: A fresh and original study of EU and NATO enlargement, which sets both in a comparative context and considers them against a backdrop of the evolution of a pan-European security community. The book is divided into two parts. In part one the authors examine and discuss the EU and NATO enlargement processes and the 'incremental linkage' which has developed between them. The major issues and challenges facing the two institutions as they ponder the next steps in enlargement are also assessed. Part two includes separate chapters on the post-Cold War evolution of the EU and NATO overall. These discussions focus on their strengths and limitations in contributing to the broader and more co-operative kind of European security which the end of the Cold War makes possible. The final chapters examine a number of possible scenarios under which the EU and NATO either succeed or fail in contributing significantly to the development of a new European security order.

This title was first published in 2000: A fresh and original study of EU and NATO enlargement, which sets both in a comparative context and considers them against a backdrop of the evolution of a pan-European security community. The book is divided into two parts. In part one the authors examine and discuss the EU and NATO enlargement processes and the 'incremental linkage' which has developed between them. The major issues and challenges facing the two institutions as they ponder the next steps in enlargement are also assessed. Part two includes separate chapters on the post-Cold War evolution of the EU and NATO overall. These discussions focus on their strengths and limitations in contributing to the broader and more co-operative kind of European security which the end of the Cold War makes possible. The final chapters examine a number of possible scenarios under which the EU and NATO either succeed or fail in contributing significantly to the development of a new European security order. The potential consequences for both the institutions themselves and for European security generally will be explored and assessed.

This book offers a fresh assessment of the Bush presidency that builds on the 'first cut of history' (much of which is partisan) and the growing collection of memoirs and personal accounts purporting to explain America's 43rd president. This account challenges readers to look more closely at the strengths and weaknesses of Bush's two-term administration. Carefully reached, it provides compelling evidence to support its two main arguments: first, that this was a more complex administration than its actions, often judged crude and ill-conceived, suggested, and one that was capable of crafting much praised and politically sound positions. The second argument contends that the Bush administration largely (though not entirely) failed to grasp how the international system was changing (including, for example, the impact of the emergence of rising powers and the myriad implications of globalisation) and thus failed to position the US to meet the challenges of the 21st century. The book is intended as a critique, not a criticism, of the Bush administration. Significantly, it will be one of the first books to surpass the 'rush to judgement' accounts, by dealing comprehensively and reflectively with the whole Bush Presidency.
In order to unravel this presidency, the book explores the major foreign-policy initiatives undertaken by the administration using the language of 'problems'. This framework will be used to analyse the conception, crafting and implementation of Bush's policies. It will also examine how these were received and perceived, both by opponents in the US and elsewhere, and assess the impact of factors partially or wholly outside the control of the US, notably 'events'.
This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign policy, international politics and security studies.

This book offers a comparative analysis of the approaches, policies and records of the Clinton administration and the current administration of George W. Bush with regard to key foreign policy issues. The issue areas selected for examination are those that have aroused particular controversy and debate over the recent past. In Part One the three issues identified by the Bush administration in the post -9/11 security environment as being at the heart of a threat 'nexus' will be examined and assessed. Although sometimes forgotten in post-9/11 debates, these same issues also preoccupied the Clinton administration for substantial parts of its term during the 1990s. Chapter One will consider the respective responses to the threats and challenges posed by international terrorism, particularly of the militant Islamic type. Chapter Two will focus on the so-called 'rogue states'; first systematically identified as such during President Clinton's term of office. Chapter Three will round out this section by examining the US response to the actual and potential proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), most especially by 'rogue' states.In Part Two attention will turn to debates surrounding the nature of US engagement with key regions and states. These debates preceded 9/11 and were prominent during the Clinton years. They have enjoyed continuing currency during the current Bush administration. Chapter Four will examine US policy towards the Middle East since 1993, with a particular focus on the Israel-Palestinian peace process. The analytical agenda for Chapter Five will focus on relations with China and Russia, arguably the two most challenging and important single-state relationships that have confronted US policy-makers since the end of the Cold War. Possibly the best-known of all the debates that have surrounded their respective foreign policies relate to Clinton's alleged predilection for multilateral approaches to international relations and to dealing with security problems (at least during his early years) and the contrast with Bush's supposed hard-edged unilateralism. The two chapters in Part Three will be focused on these issues.Relevant debates will be unpacked and explored via discussion of US policy and attitudes towards the United Nations in Chapter Six and, as a follow-on regional case study, NATO and transatlantic security relations in Chapter Seven. The final substantive section of the book - Part Four - will turn the spotlight onto an area that has been relatively little examined in comparison to those outlined above. This is what is often referred to generically as the 'soft security agenda'. The label is used to cover a broad and disparate set of issues, of which three will be selected for consideration in Chapter Eight, on the grounds that they offer the most significant insights into the respective approaches adopted by the two Administrations under consideration here. The three issues which will be examined in this chapter are: the environment and, in particular, international attempts to tackle global climate change; overseas aid and assistance, particularly with regard to Africa and, finally, the politics of disease, with a particular focus on international efforts to combat the spread of AIDS.

This book offers an original and distinct analysis of NATO's post-Cold War evolution. Unlike so much of the available literature, it is not focused on what in the author's opinion NATO should be doing now that the Cold War is over. Rather, the author offers a comprehensive analysis and overview of the extent to which NATO can undertake new roles, tasks and missions in light of the extent to which it has retained significance and vitality as an international institution. The book's originality also lies in the way in which the author discusses NATO's adaptation within a framework provided by international relations theory, and in particular concepts which stress the role and importance of transnational political processes and international regimes. So far these have been little used in the analysis of military security relations and institutions. The book will be of interest to those researching and teaching international relations, European politics and security studies, as well as all those seeking a better understanding of the post-Cold War survival and development of a key international security institution.

This book explores the question of where power lies in the post-Cold War world. The authors identify and discuss the factors which make the United States the world leader in the 1990s, and consider the strengths and weaknesses of countries which may be on the way to becoming leaders in Europe (Russia and the EU) and Asia (Japan and China).