A study of the powerful impact that sugar had on U.S.-Dominican relations as the primary vehicle of reciprocal manipulation from 1958 to 1962, Sugar and Power examines the development of the sugar industry in the Dominican Republic. Hall uncovers new evidence that supports the belief that U.S.-Latin American relations during this period were frequently a two-way street, with the United States reacting to Latin American initiatives just as frequently as Latin Americans responded to American initiatives. Both Eisenhower and Kennedy used sugar quota legislation as a foreign policy tool. At the same time, the Trujillo regime played upon Washington's fear of communism in response to the Cuban revolution to obtain an expanded sugar quota. Drawing heavily on U.S. and Dominican government documents, this study argues that the U.S. initiated economic sanctions against Trujillo to gain hemispheric support against Castro's Cuban revolution. Kennedy expanded those sanctions in an attempt to push the Dominican Republic along the path toward democracy. Although Juan Bosch's election at the end of 1962 and the allotment of a generous sugar quota indicated the apparent success of U.S. foreign policy toward the Dominican Republic, the overthrow of Bosch in 1963 indicated that the path toward democracy was longer than American policy makers had anticipated. This case study in the role of economic coercion in U.S.-Latin American relations during the Cold War tries to present a balanced account of both sides of the story.

This book historicises and analyses the increasing incidence of xenophobia and nativism in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. It examines how xenophobia and nativism impact the political cohesion and social fabric of states and societies in the regions and offers solutions to aid policy formation and implementation. Rather than utilising an overarching framework, individual theory is applied to chapters to analyse the diverse connections between xenophobia and nativism in the regions. The book explores the economic, nationalistic, political, social, cultural, and psychological triggers for xenophobia and nativism and their impact on an increasingly interconnected and interrelated world. In addition to the individual and comparative examination of these triggers, the book outlines how they can be decreased or altered and argues that Pan-Africanism and the unity of purpose among diverse groups in the western hemisphere is still an ideal to which Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean can aspire. This book will be of interest to academics in the field of African history, African Studies, Caribbean and Latin American studies, cultural anthropology and comparative sociology.

This book covers the history of Haiti starting in 1492 with the initial European landing of the island to the present day. Haiti shares the island of Hispaniola with the Dominican Republic. Haiti proclaimed its independence from France on January 1, 1804 following the only successful slave evolution in the Americas. As a result of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804), Haiti became the first independent Latin American nation and the second independent nation in the Western Hemisphere, after the United States. Throughout its history it has suffered political violence, and a devastating earthquake which killed over 300,000 people. Historical Dictionary of Haiti, Second Edition contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has more than 500 cross-referenced entries on important personalities as well as aspects of the country's politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about South Africa.

The post-1959 Cuban government's engagement with Africa, which was led by its charismatic and revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro, had two connecting dimensions: military internationalism and humanitarian internationalism. While African states and societies benefited immensely from these engagements, it was Fidel Castro's military assistance towards the decolonization of and the pushback of Apartheid South Africa that received the loudest attention and ovation in the developing world. Fidel Castro, this book argues, was never motivated by economic, selfish, or geopolitical considerations; but rather, by the altruism and the certainty of his worldview and by the historical connection between the peoples of Cuba and Africa. The principle of international solidary, socialism, and the emancipation of Africa was a much-desired aspiration and attainment. Beginning covertly in Algeria in 1961 and the Congo and Guinea-Bissau in 1964; and more conspicuously in Angola in 1975, Fidel Castro and his socialist government was at the forefront supporting liberation movements in their struggle against colonialism. Defining Castro's engagement with Africa was his support for the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) against the United States-backed Apartheid South Africa, which supported the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).