Who are right, the idealists or the materialists? The question once stated in this way hesitation becomes impossible. Undoubtedly the idealists are wrong and the materialists right. Yes, facts are before ideas; yes, the ideal, as Proudhon said, is but a flower, whose root lies in the material conditions of existence. Yes, the whole history of humanity, intellectual and moral, political and social, is but a reflection of its economic history.

Who are right, the idealists or the materialists? The question once stated in this way hesitation becomes impossible. Undoubtedly the idealists are wrong and the materialists right. Yes, facts are before ideas; yes, the ideal, as Proudhon said, is but a flower, whose root lies in the material conditions of existence. Yes, the whole history of humanity, intellectual and moral, political and social, is but a reflection of its economic history.

Who are right, the idealists or the materialists? The question once stated in this way hesitation becomes impossible. Undoubtedly the idealists are wrong and the materialists right. Yes, facts are before ideas; yes, the ideal, as Proudhon said, is but a flower, whose root lies in the material conditions of existence. Yes, the whole history of humanity, intellectual and moral, political and social, is but a reflection of its economic history.

Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citizens, it is true, but who will none the less be subjects, and who as such will be forced to obey.

Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citizens, it is true, but who will none the less be subjects, and who as such will be forced to obey.

Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citizens, it is true, but who will none the less be subjects, and who as such will be forced to obey.

The Paris Commune in 1871 played a key role in the development of socialist thought. In the midst of a seige by German troops, the workers of Paris rose in revolt and established their own government. Both communists and anarchists claimed the Commune for their own. This volume includes essays on the Paris Commune by Karl Marx, Freidrich Engels, Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, and Vladimir Lenin.

He is remembered as one of the originators of modern anarchy, a foe to Marx, and a radicalizer of youth through Russia and Europe in the 19th century. His name has been honored by pop culture of late in Tom Stoppard's trilogy of plays The Coast of Utopia, and on the philosophical playground of TV's Lost, which features characters named for-and often interpreted to represent the thinking of-famous philosophers through history. He is Russian revolutionary MIKHAIL ALEXANDROVICH BAKUNIN (1814-1876), and God and the State is his only published work. Unfinished at the time of his death and rambling and disjointed at best, this is nevertheless a provocative exploration of Bakunin's ideas on the enslavement of humanity by religion, its use by the state as a weapon against the people, and the necessity of throwing off the chains of God-worship. It remains a vital document of the anarchist movement, and is essential reading for anyone wishing to understand the upheavals of 19th-century Russia.