Over the last few years, questions of religious freedom and the rights of religious minorities in South Asia have rarely been out of the international headlines. The position of Muslims in an increasingly nationalist India, the impact of Islamic blasphemy laws in Pakistan, the intensifying clash between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, attacks on the Muslim Rohingyas of Myanmar, tensions between Buddhists, Muslims and Christians in Sri Lanka, the struggle between Islam and secularism in Bangladesh: in all of these fields, as difficulties grow, there is an ever-increasing need to understand the history and genesis of the current problems. This volume, based on a conference held at the Woodrow Wilson Centre for Scholars in Washington DC, in collaboration with the Royal Society for Asian Affairs in London, brings together a number of chapters written by a host of leading international scholars and policy experts. These chapters go back to the origins of national constitutions and fundamental laws, tracing their impact to the present. They explain how and why questions of state intention and ideology that were passed over during the crafting of these countries’ constitutions have returned to haunt South Asia with greater urgency and consequence. This book was originally published as special issue of the journal Asian Affairs.

Over the last few years, questions of religious freedom and the rights of religious minorities in South Asia have rarely been out of the international headlines. The position of Muslims in an increasingly nationalist India, the impact of Islamic blasphemy laws in Pakistan, the intensifying clash between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, attacks on the Muslim Rohingyas of Myanmar, tensions between Buddhists, Muslims and Christians in Sri Lanka, the struggle between Islam and secularism in Bangladesh: in all of these fields, as difficulties grow, there is an ever-increasing need to understand the history and genesis of the current problems. This volume, based on a conference held at the Woodrow Wilson Centre for Scholars in Washington DC, in collaboration with the Royal Society for Asian Affairs in London, brings together a number of chapters written by a host of leading international scholars and policy experts. These chapters go back to the origins of national constitutions and fundamental laws, tracing their impact to the present. They explain how and why questions of state intention and ideology that were passed over during the crafting of these countries' constitutions have returned to haunt South Asia with greater urgency and consequence. This book was originally published as special issue of the journal Asian Affairs.

An insightful history of censorship, hate speech, and majoritarianism in post-partition South Asia. At the time of the India-Pakistan partition in 1947, it was widely expected that India would be secular, home to members of different religious traditions and communities, whereas Pakistan would be a homeland for Muslims and an Islamic state. Seventy-five years later, India is on the precipice of declaring itself a Hindu state, and Pakistan has drawn ever narrower interpretations of what it means to be an Islamic republic. Bangladesh, the former eastern wing of Pakistan, has swung between professing secularism and Islam. Neeti Nair assesses landmark debates since partition—debates over the constitutional status of religious minorities and the meanings of secularism and Islam that have evolved to meet the demands of populist electoral majorities. She crosses political and territorial boundaries to bring together cases of censorship in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, each involving claims of “hurt sentiments” on the part of individuals and religious communities. Such cases, while debated in the subcontinent’s courts and parliaments, are increasingly decided on its streets in acts of vigilantism. Hurt Sentiments offers historical context to illuminate how claims of hurt religious sentiments have been weaponized by majorities. Disputes over hate speech and censorship, Nair argues, have materially influenced questions of minority representation and belonging that partition was supposed to have resolved. Meanwhile, growing legal recognition and political solicitation of religious sentiments have fueled a secular resistance.

"Changing Homelands" offers a startling new perspective on what was and was not politically possible in late colonial India. In this highly readable account of the partition in the Punjab, Neeti Nair rejects the idea that essential differences between the Hindu and Muslim communities made political settlement impossible. Far from being an inevitable solution, the idea of partition was a very late, stunning surprise to the majority of Hindus in the region.

In tracing the political and social history of the Punjab from the early years of the twentieth century, Nair overturns the entrenched view that Muslims were responsible for the partition of India. Some powerful Punjabi Hindus also preferred partition and contributed to its adoption. Almost no one, however, foresaw the deaths and devastation that would follow in its wake.

Though much has been written on the politics of the Muslim and Sikh communities in the Punjab, Nair is the first historian to focus on the Hindu minority, both before and long after the divide of 1947. She engages with politics in post-Partition India by drawing from oral histories that reveal the complex relationship between memory and history a relationship that continues to inform politics between India and Pakistan.