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For over forty years professor Harold W. Rood developed provocative
theories in strategy, international relations, diplomacy and
military power, and American foreign policy. Rood's teaching and
corpus of original writing greatly influenced generations of
students who would go on to play key leadership roles in government
and the public policy community. This book synthesizes Rood's core
teachings to preserve them for future generations and to stimulate
new thinking in his intellectual legacy.
On the two-hundredth anniversary of George Washington's 1796
Farewell Address - one of the most influential but misunderstood
expressions of American political thought - this book places the
Address in the full context of American history and explains its
enduring relevance for the next century. Generations of American
political leaders have invoked the authority of the Address to
shape foreign and domestic policy. With discussions about national
character and personal responsibility dominating the current
political landscape, there has been a resurgence of interest in the
character of the nation's founders, particularly Washington's. The
authors show how the Address expressed Washington's ideas for
forming a national character that would cultivate the habits,
morals, and civic virtues essential for stable republican
self-government. An insightful and provocative analysis of the
past, present, and future of American democracy and its most
important citizen, this book will be of value to anyone concerned
about the current state of American citizenship and the future role
of the federal government.
These essays on strategy, war, and statecraft have been written
during the current reassessment of United States' national
strategy. But they also take strategic thinking back to certain
principals and interests which have guided America before, during,
and after the Cold War. Co-published with The Institute for Public
Policy.
Lawrence Freedman One of the major bonuses of the collapse of
communism in Europe is that it may never again be necessary to
enter into a sterile debate about whether it is better to be "red"
or "dead." This appeared as the ultimate question in the great
nuclear debate of the early 1980s. When put so starkly the answer
appeared obvious better to live and struggle in a totalitarian
system than to destroy totalitarian and democratic systems alike.
There were a number of points to be made against this. Communist
regimes had demonstrated the possibility of being both red and dead
while the West had managed successfully to avoid the choice. If we
allowed nuclear disarmament to become an overriding priority, this
might encourage excessive respect for Soviet interests and a desire
to avoid any sort of provocation to Moscow, a point not lost on
those in Eastern Europe who were then struggling against repression
and could not see why disarmament should be given a higher priority
than freedom. Now that the old communist states have liberated
themselves and the West no longer risks conspiring in their
enslavement, there is a correspondingly re duced danger of mass
death. As a result, and with so much else of immediate Lawrence
Freedman * Department of War Studies, King's College, University of
London, London WC2R 2LS, England. Nuclear Weapons in the Changing
World: Perspectives from Europe, Asia, and North America.
John Quincy Adams is widely recognized as America's most
distinguished diplomat, taking into account the length and breadth
of his public service and his influence on American foreign policy.
In the course of this remarkable journey, John Quincy documented
his ideas and actions through his writings, speeches, letters,
diary entries, and state papers. To aid those interested
specifically in learning more about the man and his views on
foreign policy, the editors have compiled a collection of the most
important and often-cited works, such as his famous July 4, 1821
Oration: "she goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy."
The selections in this volume provide insights into Adams's
diplomatic practices and the critical issues that marked the young
American nation. To give the readers context, the editors have
provided introductions for both particular periods in John Quincy's
life as well as individual documents. Wherever possible, the
editors have included the full text but, given the immensity of the
available material and John Quincy Adams's style of writing, they
have used discretion to abridge certain documents.
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