The twentieth century witnessed an explosion of new nations carved out of existing ramshackle empires and multiethnic states. Many observers contend that the creation of new states will continue indefinitely, with the two hundred of today becoming the four hundred of tomorrow as more groups seek independence. This provocative and compelling book explores the impact of globalization and terrorism on this trend, arguing convincingly that the era of national self-determination has finally come to an end. Examining the forces that determine the emergence of new nation-states, the distinguished contributors consider a rich array of specific cases from the Middle East, Asia, North America, Europe, and Russia where new states could be created. They contend that globalization, rather than expanding such opportunities, is not as friendly to new weak states with limited resources as it is to established rich nations. Given the vast sums circulating in the world market, few fledgling nations can be financially independent. They find it more prudent to shelter within the protective embrace of existing federations. Equally, governments of federal states can induce restive petitioners_such as Quebec, Scotland, and the Basques_to remain inside the metropolitan boundary through a system of tangible restraints and rewards. Those who reject the benefits, such as rebels in Chechnya and Aceh, will fail in their bids for independence. Taiwan_poised on a knife-edge between integration with China and independence_faces a series of costs and diminished returns if it seeks full statehood. Finally, terrorism has lost its legitimacy as a technique for gaining independence in the eyes of the international community. Despite the stall in new state formation, there has been no sign of successful military or imperial expansion by established countries toward consolidation into fewer, larger national units. Neither aggression by regional states_such as the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, nor intervention_such as the U.S. occupation of Iraq in 2003, are likely to succeed. On balance, the book concludes, discontented national movements will have to find ways to exist within current geopolitical boundaries.

The twentieth century witnessed an explosion of new nations carved out of existing ramshackle empires and multiethnic states. Many observers contend that the creation of new states will continue indefinitely, with the two hundred of today becoming the four hundred of tomorrow as more groups seek independence. This provocative and compelling book explores the impact of globalization and terrorism on this trend, arguing convincingly that the era of national self-determination has finally come to an end. Examining the forces that determine the emergence of new nation-states, the distinguished contributors consider a rich array of specific cases from the Middle East, Asia, North America, Europe, and Russia where new states could be created. They contend that globalization, rather than expanding such opportunities, is not as friendly to new weak states with limited resources as it is to established rich nations. Given the vast sums circulating in the world market, few fledgling nations can be financially independent. They find it more prudent to shelter within the protective embrace of existing federations. Equally, governments of federal states can induce restive petitioners such as Quebec, Scotland, and the Basques to remain inside the metropolitan boundary through a system of tangible restraints and rewards. Those who reject the benefits, such as rebels in Chechnya and Aceh, will fail in their bids for independence. Taiwan poised on a knife-edge between integration with China and independence faces a series of costs and diminished returns if it seeks full statehood. Finally, terrorism has lost its legitimacy as a technique for gaining independence in the eyes of the international community. Despite the stall in new state formation, there has been no sign of successful military or imperial expansion by established countries toward consolidation into fewer, larger national units. Neither aggression by regional states such as the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, nor intervention such as the U.S. occupation"

To whom do the Earth's riches belong--all of mankind, the nations in which those riches are found, or individuals? Why should a relatively small number of Arabs own most of the world's oil reserves? Why should South Africans own most of the world's gold and diamond resources? Or why should the Americans and Canadians own the agriculturally rich Great Plains? Shouldn't these resources and the environment be treated as endowments available to all mankind? Long ago, the international community agreed to a system of national ownership of natural resources, giving states sovereignty over their respective territories. In recent years, however, environmentalists have raised questions about this distribution of property rights with respect to global environmental issues, such as atmospheric disposal of waste gases, preservation of the Earth's genetic material, and the destruction of tropical rain forests. When environmental impacts are global, international action may be warranted to ensure that individual nations are complying with transnational standards. In this book, part of the Brookings Integrating National Economies series, Richard N. Cooper evaluates the need for international policy action in natural resource and environmental management. Using numerous examples, he illustrates the issues that cause conflict in environment and resources policies. Cooper divides the use of natural resources into three categories and examines the rationale for international action in each. He discusses the use of resources not yet subject to national jurisdiction, such as Antarctica, open oceans, and outer space, and analyzes the effects of national action on other nations via both market andenvironmental externalities. Taking into account the diversity of individual states' circumstances and priorities, Copper concludes that stiff environmental regulations generally are not the best answer to environmental management. He explains that developing countries are not likely to take actions to improve environmental hazards if those actions risk slowing their economic growth. Instead, policies that provide incentives for compliance with international standards are needed. The book outlines past internatioal actions, what has worked and what has not, and provides recommendations for future actions. A volume of Brookings' Integrating National Economies Series