The 1919 Egyptian revolution was the founding event for modern Egypt's nation state. So far there has been no text that looks at the causes, consequences and legacies of the 1919 Egyptian Revolution. This book addresses that gap, with Egyptian and non-Egyptian scholars discussing a range of topics that link back to that crucial event in Egyptian history. Across nine chapters, the book analyzes the causes and course of the 1919 revolution; its impacts on subsequent political beliefs, practices and institutions; and its continuing legacy as a means of regime legitimation. The chapters reveal that the 1919 Egyptian Revolution divided the British while uniting Egyptians. However, the "revolutionary moment" was superseded by efforts to restore Britain's influence in league with a reassertion of monarchical authority. Those efforts enjoyed tactical, but not long-term strategic success, in part because the 1919 revolution had unleashed nationalist forces that could never again be completely contained. The book covers key issues surrounding the 1919 Egyptian Revolution such as the role played by Lord Allenby; internal schisms within the British government struggling to cope with the revolution; Muslim-Christian relations; and divisions among the Egyptians.

A uniquely multidisciplinary analysis of the history, politics, economy, legal system, environment and popular culture of contemporary Egypt. Chapters written by Egyptian and non-Egyptian specialists A collaborative project led by seven editors each of whom is a leading expert in the respective subfield Ideal as a general introduction to contemporary Egypt

The Arab Uprisings have brought renewed attention to the role of the military in the MENA region, where they are either the backbone of regime power or a crucial part of patronage networks in political systems. This collection of essays from international experts examines the economic interests of armed actors ranging from military businesses in Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Jordan, Sudan, and Yemen to retired military officers' economic endeavors and the web of funding of non-state armed groups in Syria and Libya. Due to the combined power of business and arms, the military often manages to incorporate or quell competing groups and thus, to revert achievements of revolutionary movements.

The starting point for the investigation outlined in this text is the relationship between political authority and economic change in Egypt and will be the presidency and the highest level of the political elite. The bulk of the field research on which this book is based was conducted in Egypt in 1986.

In this 2010 edition of their book on the economic development of the Middle East and North Africa, Clement Henry and Robert Springborg reflect on what has happened to the region's economy since 2001. How have the various countries in the Middle East responded to the challenges of globalization and to the rise of political Islam, and what changes, for better or for worse, have occurred? Utilizing the country categories they applied in the previous book and further elaborating the significance of the structural power of capital and Islamic finance, they demonstrate how over the past decade the monarchies (as exemplified by Jordan, Morocco and those of the Gulf Cooperation Council) and the conditional democracies (Israel, Turkey and Lebanon) continue to do better than the military dictatorships or 'bullies' (Egypt, Tunisia and now Iran) and 'the bunker states' (Algeria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Syria and Yemen).

The starting point for the investigation outlined in this text is the relationship between political authority and economic change in Egypt and will be the presidency and the highest level of the political elite. The bulk of the field research on which this book is based was conducted in Egypt in 1986.

Focusing on the family and career of the prominent Egyptian politician Sayed Bey Marei, Robert Springborg provides in this volume a political ethnography on the changing roles of the family and other social units in Egypt's political economy. He traces the rise to power of the rural nobility from the late nineteenth century, demonstrating how members of this class used family, regional, patron-client, and small-group loyalties to maintain and enhance their powers and privileges under the regimes of Nasser and Sadat. In this context the author also investigates the complexities between provincial and national politics, and between the bureaucratic/technocratic elite and the political elite of the country. Sayed Marei's career provides the ideal focus for Springborg's ethnography. From a wealthy rural family that habitually sent at least one of its members to parliament, he began his political career in 1944-45, inheriting his family's seat in the Chamber of Deputies. In 1952, he emerged as the new revolutionary government's director of agrarian reform and became thereafter a fixture in the Nasserite political elite. Under Sadat, to whom he was related by marriage, Marei enjoyed even greater prominence. He served as cabinet minister, head of the Arab Socialist Union, speaker of parliament, diplomat extraordinaire, special adviser to the president, and secretary general of the much publicized World Food Conference. With a political career spanning five generations and three regimes, Sayed Marei built a significant reputation for himself in the Arab World. Rather than imposing objective categories upon political behavior, Sprinborg instead delves into the subjective reality of Egyptian political life. He explains how politicians pursue their goals and what associations they form and use, how they themselves perceive politics to operate, and then why they behave as they do. This work is the first to explicitly utilize the family as a basic conceptual tool to understand a Middle-Eastern political system and thus will be of great value to those interested in the history, politics, anthropology, and sociology of the region and, more generally, the Third World.

In this 2010 edition of their book on the economic development of the Middle East and North Africa, Clement Henry and Robert Springborg reflect on what has happened to the region's economy since 2001. How have the various countries in the Middle East responded to the challenges of globalization and to the rise of political Islam, and what changes, for better or for worse, have occurred? Utilizing the country categories they applied in the previous book and further elaborating the significance of the structural power of capital and Islamic finance, they demonstrate how over the past decade the monarchies (as exemplified by Jordan, Morocco and those of the Gulf Cooperation Council) and the conditional democracies (Israel, Turkey and Lebanon) continue to do better than the military dictatorships or 'bullies' (Egypt, Tunisia and now Iran) and 'the bunker states' (Algeria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Syria and Yemen).

Recent discussions of the 'Chinese economic development model', the emergence of an alternative 'Muslim model' over the past quarter century and the faltering globalisation of the 'Washington Consensus' all point to the need to investigate more systematically the nature of these models and their competitive attractions. This is especially the case in the Muslim world which both spans different economic and geographic categories and is itself the progenitor of a development model. The 'Chinese model' has attracted the greatest attention in step with that country's phenomenal growth and therefore provides the primary focus for this book. This volume examines the characteristics of this model and its reception in two major regions of the world - Africa and Latin America. It also investigates the current competition over development models across Muslim contexts. The question of which model or models, if any, will guide development in Muslim majority countries is vital not only for them, but for the world as a whole. This is the first political economy study to address this vital question as well as the closely related issue of the centrality of governance to development.

The 1919 Egyptian revolution was the founding event for modern Egypt’s nation state. So far there has been no text that looks at the causes, consequences and legacies of the 1919 Egyptian Revolution. This book addresses that gap, with Egyptian and non-Egyptian scholars discussing a range of topics that link back to that crucial event in Egyptian history. Across nine chapters, the book analyzes the causes and course of the 1919 revolution; its impacts on subsequent political beliefs, practices and institutions; and its continuing legacy as a means of regime legitimation. The chapters reveal that the 1919 Egyptian Revolution divided the British while uniting Egyptians. However, the “revolutionary moment” was superseded by efforts to restore Britain's influence in league with a reassertion of monarchical authority. Those efforts enjoyed tactical, but not long-term strategic success, in part because the 1919 revolution had unleashed nationalist forces that could never again be completely contained. The book covers key issues surrounding the 1919 Egyptian Revolution such as the role played by Lord Allenby; internal schisms within the British government struggling to cope with the revolution; Muslim—Christian relations; and divisions among the Egyptians.