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Mental Maps in the Era of Detente and the End of the Cold War
recreates the way in which the revolutionary changes of the last
phase of the Cold War were perceived by fifteen of its leading
figures in the West, East and developing world.
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Reporting World War II (Hardcover)
G. Kurt Piehler, Ingo Trauschweizer; Contributions by Steven Casey, Kendall Cosley, Douglass Daniel, …
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R2,467
Discovery Miles 24 670
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Ships in 12 - 17 working days
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This set of essays offers new insights into the journalistic
process and the pressures American front-line reporters experienced
covering World War II. Transmitting stories through cable or
couriers remained expensive and often required the cooperation of
foreign governments and the American armed forces. Initially,
reporters from a neutral America documented the early victories by
Nazi Germany and the Soviet invasion of Finland. Not all
journalists strove for objectivity. During her time reporting from
Ireland, Helen Kirkpatrick remained a fierce critic of that
country’s neutrality. Once the United States joined the fight
after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, American journalists
supported the struggle against the Axis powers, but this volume
will show that reporters, even when members of the army sponsored
newspaper, Stars and Stripes were not mere ciphers of the official
line. African American reporters Roi Ottley and Ollie Stewart
worked to bolster the morale of Black GIs and undermined the
institutional racism endemic to the American war effort. Women
front-line reporters are given their due in this volume examining
the struggles to overcome gender bias by describing triumphs of
Thérèse Mabel Bonney, Iris Carpenter, Lee Carson, and Anne
Stringer. The line between public relations and journalism could be
a fine one as reflected by the U.S. Marine Corps’ creating its
own network of Marine correspondents who reported on the Pacific
island campaigns and had their work published by American media
outlets. Despite the pressures of censorship, the best American
reporters strove for accuracy in reporting the facts even when
dependent on official communiqués issued by the military. Many
wartime reporters, even when covering major turning points, sought
to embrace a reporting style that recorded the experiences of
average soldiers. Often associated with Ernie Pyle and Bill
Mauldin, the embrace of the human-interest story served as one of
the enduring legacies of the conflict. Despite the importance of
American war reporting in shaping perceptions of the war on the
home front as well as shaping the historical narrative of the
conflict, this work underscores how there is more to learn. Readers
will gain from this work a new appreciation of the contribution of
American journalists in writing the first version of history of the
global struggle against Nazi Germany, imperial Japan, and fascist
Italy.
SPECIAL INTRODUCTORY PRICE! (Valid until 3 months after
publication) The Cold War dominated international politics between
1945 and 1990, when the two superpowers, the United States and
Soviet Union, vied for supremacy. Their clash profoundly influenced
the main trends of the time, including economic development,
technological change, and decolonization. It divided Europe, with
the fault line running through Germany. Although it never erupted
into a major superpower conflagration, it was a vicious struggle
that was often fought through proxies in the Third World,
periodically flared into searing 'limited' conflicts in Korea,
Vietnam, and Afghanistan, and occasionally produced the most
dangerous international crises, particularly over Berlin and Cuba,
which brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. This new
Routledge title is the first reference work authoritatively to draw
together all the major works on this pivotal event. The first
volume explores how historians and political scientists have
approached the Cold War, from the early debates between those who
sought to blame one of the two superpowers for starting it, to the
findings in the 1990s that were based on newly available sources
from the former communist bloc. The volume also makes sense of more
recent efforts to examine its global, transnational, and cultural
dynamics. The next three volumes are arranged chronologically,
dealing in turn with the origins of the Cold War, 1945-53; the
oscillating period of crisis and detente between 1953 and 1975; and
the end of the Cold War, 1975-90. These three volumes collect a
compelling mixture of classic and cutting-edge works. They gathered
scholarship explores the story from above and below-from the
perspective not just of Washington, Moscow, and Beijing, but also
of the smaller players who sought to manipulate the superpowers for
their own ends. The tightly focused organization of this collection
will allow scholars quickly and easily to access both established
and up-to-date assessments of the Cold War, and will also make for
irresistible browsing. With a comprehensive introduction, providing
essential background information and relating the various pieces to
each other, Cold War Studies is destined to be an indispensable
resource for research and study.
From the North African desert to the bloody stalemate in Italy,
from the London blitz to the D-Day beaches, a group of highly
courageous and extremely talented American journalists reported the
war against Nazi Germany for a grateful audience. Based on a wealth
of previously untapped primary sources, War Beat, Europe provides
the first comprehensive account of what these reporters witnessed,
what they were allowed to publish, and how their reports shaped the
home front's perception of some of the most pivotal battles in
American history. In a dramatic and fast-paced narrative, Steven
Casey takes readers from the inner councils of government, where
Franklin D. Roosevelt and George Marshall held clear views about
how much blood and gore Americans could stomach, to the command
centers in London, Algiers, Naples, and Paris, where many reporters
were stuck with the dreary task of reporting the war by communique.
At the heart of this book is the epic journey of reporters like Wes
Gallagher and Don Whitehead of the Associated Press, Drew Middleton
of the New York Times, Bill Stoneman of the Chicago Daily News, and
John Thompson of the Chicago Tribune; of columnists like Ernie Pyle
and Hal Boyle; and of photographers like Margaret Bourke-White and
Robert Capa. These men and women risked their lives on countless
occasions to get their dispatches and their images back home. In
providing coverage of war in an open society, they also balanced
the weighty responsibility of adhering to censorship regulations
while working to sell newspapers and maintaining American support
for the war. These reporters were driven by a combination of
ambition, patriotism, and belief in the cause. War Beat, Europe
shows how they earned their reputation as America's golden
generation of journalists and wrote the first draft of World War II
history for posterity.
The extent to which combat casualties influence the public's
support for war is one of the most frequently and fiercely debated
subjects in current American life and has cast an enormous shadow
over both the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts. The common
assumption, based largely on U.S. experience in past wars, is that
the public is in some way casualty averse or casualty shy, and that
as losses increase its support for a war will inexorably decline.
Yet this assumption has been adopted as conventional wisdom without
any awareness of one of the most important dimensions of the issue:
how has the public become aware of the casualties sustained during
particular wars? To what extent has the government tried to
manipulate or massage the figures? When and why have these official
figures been challenged by opportunistic political opponents or
aggressive scoop-seeking reporters? As Steven Casey demonstrates,
at key moments in most wars what the public actually receives is
not straightforward and accurate casualty totals, but an enormous
amount of noise based on a mixture of suppression, suspicion, and
speculation. This book aims to correct this gap in information by
showing precise what casualty figures the government announced
during its various wars, the timing of these announcements, and any
spin officials may have placed upon these, using a range of
hitherto untapped primary documents. Among the nuggets he has
uncovered is that during World War I the media depended on Axis
figures and that the Army and Navy did not announce casualty
figures for an entire year during World War II. Organized
chronologically, the book addresses the two world wars, the limited
wars in Korea and Vietnam, and the recent conflicts that are part
of the War on Terror. Using sources such as the private military
command papers of Generals Patton, MacArthur, and Westmoreland, and
previously unopened New York Times archives, it offers the first
analysis of how the U.S. government has publicized combat
casualties during these wars, and how these official announcements
have been debated and disputed by other voices in the polity. Casey
discusses factors such as changes of presidential administration,
the improvement of technology, the sending of war correspondents to
cover multiple conflicts, and the increasing ability to identify
bodies. Casey recreates the complicated controversies that have
surrounded key battles, and in doing so challenges the simplicity
of the oft-repeated conventional wisdom that "as casualties mount,
support decreases. " By integrating military and political history,
he presents a totally new interpretation of U.S. domestic
propaganda since 1917, filling a major gap left by a spate of
recent books. Finally, it provides a fresh and engaging new
perspective on some of the biggest battles in recent American
history, including the Meuse-Argonne, D-Day, the Battle of the
Bulge, China's intervention in the Korean War, the Tet Offensive,
and the recent campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan. This book should
speak to the military, political, and media history markets, and it
should also reach a wider audience that is debating contemporary
casualty figures.
The Korean War occupies a unique place in American history and
foreign policy. Because it followed closely after World War II and
ushered in a new era of military action as the first hot conflict
of the cold war, the Korean War was marketed as an entirely new
kind of military campaign. But how were the war-weary American
people convinced that the limited objectives of the Korean War were
of paramount importance to the nation?
In this ground-breaking book, Steven Casey deftly analyzes the
Truman and Eisenhower administrations' determined efforts to shape
public discourse about the war, influence media coverage of the
conflict, and gain political support for their overall approach to
waging the Cold War, while also trying to avoid inciting a hysteria
that would make it difficult to localize the conflict. The first
in-depth study of Truman's and Eisenhower's efforts to garner and
sustain support for the war, Selling the Korean War weaves a lucid
tale of the interactions between the president and government
officials, journalists, and public opinion that ultimately produced
the twentieth century concept of limited war.
It has been popularly thought that the public is instinctively
hostile towards any war fought for less than total victory, but
Casey shows that limited wars place major constraints on what the
government can say and do. He also demonstrates how the Truman
administration skillfully rededicated and redefined the war as it
dragged on with mounting casualties. Using a rich array of
previously untapped archival resources--including official
government documents, and the papers of leading congressmen,
newspaper editors, and war correspondents--Casey's work promises to
bethe definitive word on the relationship between presidents and
public opinion during America's "forgotten war."
Cautious Crusade explores how Americans viewed Nazi Germany during World War II, the extent to which the public opposed the president's vision for planning both Germany's defeat and future, and how opinion and policy interacted as the Roosevelt administration grappled with various aspects of the German problem during this period.
How presidents spark and sustain support for wars remains an
enduring and significant problem. Korea was the first limited war
the U.S. experienced in the contemporary period - the first recent
war fought for something less than total victory. In Selling the
Korean War, Steven Casey explores how President Truman and then
Eisenhower tried to sell it to the American public.
Based on a massive array of primary sources, Casey subtly explores
the government's selling activities from all angles. He looks at
the halting and sometimes chaotic efforts of Harry Truman and Dean
Acheson, Dwight Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles. He examines the
relationships that they and their subordinates developed with a
host of other institutions, from Congress and the press to
Hollywood and labor. And he assesses the complex and fraught
interactions between the military and war correspondents in the
battlefield theater itself.
From high politics to bitter media spats, Casey guides the reader
through the domestic debates of this messy, costly war. He
highlights the actions and calculations of colorful figures,
including Senators Robert Taft and JHoseph McCarthy, and General
Douglas MacArthur. He details how the culture and work routines of
Congress and the media influenced political tactics and daily news
stories. And he explores how different phases of the war threw up
different problems - from the initial disasters in the summer of
1950 to the giddy prospects of victory in October 1950, from the
massive defeats in the wake of China's massive intervention to the
lengthy period of stalemate fighting in 1952 and 1953.
From the North African desert to the bloody stalemate in Italy,
from the London blitz to the D-Day beaches, a group of highly
courageous and extremely talented American journalists reported the
war against Nazi Germany for a grateful audience. Based on a wealth
of previously untapped primary sources, War Beat, Europe provides
the first comprehensive account of what these reporters witnessed,
what they were allowed to publish, and how their reports shaped the
home front's perception of some of the most pivotal battles in
American history. In a dramatic and fast-paced narrative, Steven
Casey takes readers from the inner councils of government, where
Franklin D. Roosevelt and George Marshall held clear views about
how much blood and gore Americans could stomach, to the command
centers in London, Algiers, Naples, and Paris, where many reporters
were stuck with the dreary task of reporting the war by communique.
At the heart of this book is the epic journey of reporters like Wes
Gallagher and Don Whitehead of the Associated Press, Drew Middleton
of the New York Times, Bill Stoneman of the Chicago Daily News, and
John Thompson of the Chicago Tribune; of columnists like Ernie Pyle
and Hal Boyle; and of photographers like Margaret Bourke-White and
Robert Capa. These men and women risked their lives on countless
occasions to get their dispatches and their images back home. In
providing coverage of war in an open society, they also balanced
the weighty responsibility of adhering to censorship regulations
while working to sell newspapers and maintaining American support
for the war. These reporters were driven by a combination of
ambition, patriotism, and belief in the cause. War Beat, Europe
shows how they earned their reputation as America's golden
generation of journalists and wrote the first draft of World War II
history for posterity.
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