A comprehensive study focusing on emerging new multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific.

This volume seeks to examine the evolving contours of Asian multilateralism through emerging China and how it is likely to impact on the growth trajectories of Asian countries. From this perspective, it explores the prospects for 'partnership' in Asia, especially in terms of China's engagement with its principal Asian neighbours, especially India. A substantial part of the volume is devoted to debating China-India relations, highlighting their mutual stakes through their economic and security cooperation as well as their engagement with other countries and regional forums. The book furthers the understanding of the rise of China from an Indian perspective while simultaneously locating China's rise in the economic dynamics of an emerging Asia. The volume offers illuminating viewpoints, analyses and insights from multiple perspectives, mixed with academic rigour and up-to-date information. It will be of interest to those engaged in economics, politics, trade relations, Indo-China relations, foreign policy, area studies, public policy, and strategic studies.

This volume seeks to examine the evolving contours of Asian multilateralism through emerging China and how it is likely to impact on the growth trajectories of Asian countries. From this perspective, it explores the prospects for 'partnership' in Asia, especially in terms of China's engagement with its principal Asian neighbours, especially India. A substantial part of the volume is devoted to debating China-India relations, highlighting their mutual stakes through their economic and security cooperation as well as their engagement with other countries and regional forums. The book furthers the understanding of the rise of China from an Indian perspective while simultaneously locating China's rise in the economic dynamics of an emerging Asia. The volume offers illuminating viewpoints, analyses and insights from multiple perspectives, mixed with academic rigour and up-to-date information. It will be of interest to those engaged in economics, politics, trade relations, Indo-China relations, foreign policy, area studies, public policy, and strategic studies.

The book emanates from the geopolitical and geo-economic churning and transformations set in motion by the unprecedented economic rise of China resulting in its expanding political influence across the region and the world. In both the economic and the security realms, the United States and China alike are increasingly seen contesting in shaping the Indo-Pacific regional order to their own advantage.  This book unfolds the contours and dimensions of China’s responses to various multilateral initiatives of the US and its friends and allies like Japan, Australia, and India and, to some extent, even ASEAN. While China’s medium-term strategy envisages a non-hostile external environment in order to focus on domestic priorities; reducing dependence of littoral nations of the Indo-Pacific region on America while increasing their engagement and dependence on China. China's expanding reach and influence overseas has resulted in US-led initiatives being China-focused inviting a response from China where adverse reactions have become increasingly palpable.

The book emanates from the geopolitical and geo-economic churning and transformations set in motion by the unprecedented economic rise of China resulting in its expanding political influence across the region and the world. In both the economic and the security realms, the United States and China alike are increasingly seen contesting in shaping the Indo-Pacific regional order to their own advantage. This book unfolds the contours and dimensions of China's responses to various multilateral initiatives of the US and its friends and allies like Japan, Australia, and India and, to some extent, even ASEAN. While China's medium-term strategy envisages a non-hostile external environment in order to focus on domestic priorities; reducing dependence of littoral nations of the Indo-Pacific region on America while increasing their engagement and dependence on China. China's expanding reach and influence overseas has resulted in US-led initiatives being China-focused inviting a response from China where adverse reactions have become increasingly palpable.

Published in association with Centre de Sciences Humaines, New Delhi This Book is an attempt to collate Indian perspectives on the multifaceted themes and sectors of China-Pakistan strategic cooperation. China-Pakistan ties have been a major obsession amongst Indian opinion and policy-makers. However, this obsession remains restricted to Chinas transfers of sensitive technologies while the essential backdrop that has sustained such a unique axis has never been explored with sufficient rigour. Especially, given the secrecy that shrouds these transfers of missiles and nuclear material, technologies and know-how, occasional outbursts in Indian media remains vulnerable to political populism, emotional outrage and to calculated Western media leaks. These trigger flashes of interest but no substantive follow up debates or dedicated research for evolving Indias policy options. It is this essential gap that this volume tries to fill and generate a serious debate on contours and implications of ChinaPakistan relations. The project locates itself primarily in the new context where the events following 9/11 and the growing IndiaChina and IndiaPakistan understanding seems to undermine ChinaPakistan axis and looks forward to future challenges. In addition to providing a wealth of information and analysis on this subject of critical importance, this volume aims at shedding populism and bursting several myths that continue to surround Indian debates on ChinaPakistan strategic cooperation.

The year 2020 was a watershed event in the history of climate change politics. It marked the end of the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol and the beginning of the ambitious Paris Agreement. It was also the year of the pandemic, where the disruption caused severe implications on a global scale. The pandemic also brought before the world the severity and scale of the transboundary challenges in a globally interconnected world. It exposed the weaknesses of the global institutions and governance structures in tackling the complex and imminent threat of climate change.As states prepare for the future of global climate change negotiations post the COP26 event of 2021, there has been a significant shift in the politics of climate change at all levels. The negotiations took place in the shadows of the pandemic, which has challenged the political lethargy and non-committal attitudes of states on the climate change question.Unlike in the past, climate change is now a hot issue on the political high tables. It has also spilled outside these negotiating spaces and into the public sphere. Whether it is the school strikes led by children or the indigenous struggles of marginalized populations, the politics of climate change today is far more diverse, representative, and active. At the same time, we can witness the shifts in the state's understanding of the problem, which is actively inquiring about its security and geopolitical dimensions. The boundaries between traditional and non-traditional threats to security are getting blurred as climate change, and its myriad impacts wreak havoc on ecosystem resilience, the state's welfare capacity, and people's everyday lives.Hence, this volume seeks to decipher the nature of global climate change politics in the post-pandemic and climate insecure world. Who will be its main actors, main stakeholders, and losers? How will questions of equity, sustainability, and finance interplay at the COP26 event and thereafter? How will developing and poor countries engage with the issue in the next phase of climate politics? Finally, how will the ambition of the Paris Agreement, which is reflected in the language of net-zero targets and the two degrees Celsius temperature goals, be brought into action?

Why have the influences of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (roughly 1966-1976) in contemporary China been so pervasive, profound, and long-lasting? This book posits that the Revolution challenged everyone to decide how they can and should be themselves.Even scholars who study the Cultural Revolution from a presumably external vantage point must end up with an ideological position relative to whom they study. This amounts to a focused curiosity toward the Maoist agenda rivaling its alternatives. As a result, the political lives after the Cultural Revolution remain, ulteriorly and ironically, Maoist to a ubiquitous extent.How then can we cleanse, forget, neutralize, rediscover, contextualize, realign, revitalize, or renovate Maoism? The authors contend that all must appropriate ideologies for political and analytical purposes and adapt to how others use ideological discourses. This book then invites its readers to re-examine ideology contexts for people to appreciate how they acquire their roles and duties. Those more practiced can even reversely give new meanings to reform, nationalism, foreign policy, or scholarship by shifting between Atheism, Maoism, Confucianism, and Marxism, incurring alternative ideological lenses to de-/legitimize their subject matter.

"This highly original book shifts our attention away from the preoccupations of the U.S. to India and from conventional social science and area studies perspectives to civilizational sensibilities. In a series of searching essays by well-informed Indian scholars, China's rise appears in a fresh light. Rather than seeking to bend China's experience only to the impatient expectations of secular liberalism, this important book reminds us of the imagined affinities that a civilizational understanding of self and other creates in India for China and the empathetic patience it engenders. Our understanding of China is greatly enriched by new insights that this broader vision yields." - Peter J. Katzenstein, Walter S. Carpenter, Jr. Professor of International Studies, Cornell University

This book interrogates several strands of Gandhian design, articulations, methods and ideals, through five sections. These include Theoretical Perspectives, Peace and World Order, Revolutionary Experiments, National Integration and Gandhi in Chinese Discourses. The authors seek to provide answers to questions as: Were Gandhian ideas utopian? What is the contemporary relevance of Gandhi? Do his ideas share convergence with theory in world politics and international relations? What was his role in forging national integration? How did his ideologies and experiments with truth resonate with countries as China?The writings also underline that being averse to individualism, for Gandhi it was the realm of societal interests which were significant, encompassing the good of humanity, dignity of labor and village-centric development. Development paradigms and health related challenges are articulated in the book to underline the significance of Gandhi's vision of 'Leave no one behind' to create an egalitarian society with respect and tolerance. The book presents the essential humility and simplicity of Gandhi.This book is a must read for those who seek to understand Gandhi in a way that is candid and inclusive. It's a book that conceals nothing and does not shy away from presenting debates on Gandhi. Moreover, it is a factual account, with contributors having relied extensively on archival materials, essays and an extensive review of literature. Hence, the book is replete with pertinent documentation and scholarship and makes a significant value-addition in the literature on Gandhi.

Colonial legacies in knowledge production affect the way the world is represented and understood today. However, the subject is rarely attended. The book, Colonial Legacies and Contemporary Studies of China and Chineseness: Unlearning Binaries, Strategizing Self, is about the colonial construction of intellectual perspectives of the colonized population in terms of the latter's approach to China and Chineseness in the modern world. Relying on the available oral histories of senior China scholars primarily in Asia, authors from various postcolonial and colonial sites present these multiple routs of self-constitution and reconstitution through the use of China and Chineseness as category. The revealed manipulation of this third category, romantically as well as antagonistically, is easier than straightforward self-reflection for us all to accept that, coming to identities and relations, none, even subaltern, is politically innocent or capable of epistemological monopoly. Through comparative studies, it shows a way of self-understanding that does not always require discursive construction of border or cultural consumption of any specific 'other'.With US-China rivalry possibly lasting for decades, this book offers extremely rich and contrasting practices from the subaltern worlds for anyone in a quest for humanist alternatives. This interdisciplinary and transnational project contributes to post-colonial studies, cultural studies, international relations, China and Chinese studies, and the comparative histories of East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia.

This book, an outcome of the second Asian Relations Conference organized by Indian Council of World Affairs and Association of Asia Scholars in November 2010, endeavors to examine the dynamics of India's relations on the western flank that include the Gulf countries and also involve important components of shaping of Asian Relations in general and India's diaspora and energy security in particular. At the deeper level, it is also an effort to ensure that this region is no longer considered as outside the dominant connotation of Asia Pacific which is often seen to subsume Asian relations. India has always stood for having an inclusive and comprehensive picture of Asian relations and this book is presented in that larger context. Accordingly, this volume seeks to highlight India's increasing engagement viz-a-viz the Gulf countries that include Iran, Iraq and the GCC countries i.e. Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman.