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The roots of American globalization can be found in the War of
1898. Then, as today, the United States actively engaged in
globalizing its economic order, itspolitical institutions, and its
values. Thomas Schoonover argues that this drive to expand
political and cultural reach -- the quest for wealth, missionary
fulfillment, security, power, and prestige -- was inherited by the
United States from Europe, especially Spain and Great Britain.
Uncle Sam's War of 1898 and the Origins of Globalization is a
pathbreaking work of history that examines U.S. growth from its
early nationhood to its first major military conflict on the world
stage, also known as the Spanish-American War. As the new nation's
military, industrial, and economic strength developed, the United
States created policies designed to protect itself from challenges
beyond its borders. According to Schoonover, a surge in U.S.
activity in the Gulf-Caribbean and in Central America in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was catalyzed by the same
avarice and competitiveness that motivated the European adventurers
to seek a route to Asia centuries earlier. Addressing the basic
chronology and themes of the first century of the nation's
expansion, Schoonover locates the origins of the U.S. goal of
globalization. U.S. involvement in the War of 1898 reflects many of
the fundamental patterns in our national history -- exploration and
discovery, labor exploitation, violence, racism, class conflict,
and concern for security -- that many believe shaped America's
course in the twentieth and twenty-first century.
For Americans the Civil War was simply an internal conflict, and
they have emphasized its military exploits and the romantic myths
that have grown up around it. They have given little regard to its
international aspects. In truth, however, the American Civil War
attracted worldwide attention. Other nations followed the fortunes
of the war and sought to understand its goals because they saw that
the fate of the American system would likely have a profound effect
on their own social and political economies. One such nation was
the United States' southern neighbor Mexico, and in Mexican Lobby
Thomas Schoonover reveals the efforts of Matias Romero, Mexico's
representative in Washington, to influence American leaders in his
country's favor. Romero, appointed in 1859, served the liberal
government of Benito Juarez, which had just emerged from its own
civil War of Reform and now had to contend with a French invasion
under Maximilian. He proved an indefatigable worker, who sent his
government voluminous reports on the American situation and on his
meetings with American leaders. Translated and published here for
the first time is a representative selection of memoranda of his
conversations with Washington officials and politicians. Romero
attempted to forge stronger trade ties with the United States,
establish better sea and rail links, and, above all, encourage
military intervention to oust the French. In seeking these ends
Romero was not above meddling in domestic politics. The memoranda
show him supporting efforts to secure the resignation of Secretary
of State Seward and cooperating with radical moves to defeat
Lincoln's election in 1864 and, later, to impeach Andrew Johnson.
Copies of Romero's official correspondence are rare in the United
States and in Mexico and have never been translated. Mexican Lobby
makes readily available a body of material that will be valuable to
historians of the Civil War, Latin America, and American diplomacy.
The roots of American globalization can be found in the War of
1898. Then, as today, the United States actively engaged in
globalizing its economic order, itspolitical institutions, and its
values. Thomas Schoonover argues that this drive to expand
political and cultural reach -- the quest for wealth, missionary
fulfillment, security, power, and prestige -- was inherited by the
United States from Europe, especially Spain and Great Britain.
Uncle Sam's War of 1898 and the Origins of Globalization is a
pathbreaking work of history that examines U.S. growth from its
early nationhood to its first major military conflict on the world
stage, also known as the Spanish-American War. As the new nation's
military, industrial, and economic strength developed, the United
States created policies designed to protect itself from challenges
beyond its borders. According to Schoonover, a surge in U.S.
activity in the Gulf-Caribbean and in Central America in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was catalyzed by the same
avarice and competitiveness that motivated the European adventurers
to seek a route to Asia centuries earlier. Addressing the basic
chronology and themes of the first century of the nation's
expansion, Schoonover locates the origins of the U.S. goal of
globalization. U.S. involvement in the War of 1898 reflects many of
the fundamental patterns in our national history -- exploration and
discovery, labor exploitation, violence, racism, class conflict,
and concern for security -- that many believe shaped America's
course in the twentieth and twenty-first century.
Ambitious entrepreneurs, isthmian politicians, and mercenaries who
dramatically altered Central America's political culture,
economies, and even its traditional social values populate this
lively story of a generation of North and Central Americans and
their roles in the transformation of Central America from the late
nineteenth century until the onset of the Depression. The Banana
Men is a study of modernization, its benefits, and its often
frightful costs.The colorful characters in this study are
fascinating, if not always admirable. Sam "the Banana Man"
Zemurray, a Bessarabian Jewish immigrant, made a fortune in
Honduran bananas after he got into the business of "revolutin," and
his exploits are now legendary. His hired mercenary Lee Christmas,
a bellicose Mississippian, made a reputation in Honduras as a man
who could use a weapon. The supporting cast includes Minor Keith, a
railroad builder and banana baron; Manuel Bonilla, the Honduran
mulatto whose cause Zemurray subsidized; and Jose Santos Zelaya,
who ruled Nicaragua from 1893 to 1910.The political and social
turmoil of the modern Central America cannot be understood without
reference to the fifty-year epoch in which the United States
imposed its political and economic influence on vulnerable Central
American societies. The predicament of Central Americans today, as
isthmian peoples know, is rooted in their past, and North Americans
have had a great deal to do with the shaping of their history, for
better or worse.
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