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Richard Nixon's loss in the 1962 gubernatorial election in
California was more than just a simple electoral defeat. His
once-promising political career was in ruins as he dropped his
second high-profile race in as many years. Nixon, himself, rubbed
salt in his own self-inflicted wounds by delivering a growling,
bitter concession speech that made him seem like a sore loser. In
the months following his defeat and self-immolation, he left
California to move to New York so that he could work for a
prestigious Wall Street law firm. His new career only seemed to
confirm what everyone already knew: Richard Nixon was finished as a
politician. Except, he wasn't. Nixon's political resurrection was
virtually unprecedented in American history role, and he had his
law firm to thank for paving his way to the White House. His role
as public partner at Nixon, Mudge, Rose, Guthrie & Alexander
was the ideal platform for him as he looked to reinvent himself
after his back-to-back losses in 1960 and 1962. Nixon's firm gave
him access to deep-pocketed clients, many of whom became donors
when he decided to take the plunge in 1968. Furthermore, working
for so many international clients allowed him to travel the world
and burnish his foreign policy credentials - a vital quality that
voters were looking for as the Cold War raged on and the Vietnam
War showed no signs of slowing down. Nixon's time at the firm also
allowed him to build a formidable campaign staff consisting of
top-notch lawyers, researchers and writers - a staff that did just
about everything for him when it came time to ramp up for the 1968
campaign.
In recent years the concept of 'the primitive' has been the subject
of strong criticism; it has been examined, unpacked, and shown to
signify little more than a construction or projection necessary for
establishing the modernity of the West. The term 'primitive'
continues, however, to appear in contemporary critical and cultural
discourse, begging the question: Why does primitivism keep
reappearing even after it has been uncovered as a modern myth?In
The Neo-primitivist Turn, Victor Li argues that this contentious
term was never completely banished and that it has in fact
reappeared under new theoretical guises. An idealized conception of
'the primitive,' he contends, has come to function as the ultimate
sign of alterity. Li focuses on the works of theorists like Jean
Baudrillard, Jean-Francois Lyotard, Marianna Torgovnick, Marshall
Sahlins, and Jurgen Habermas in order to demonstrate that
primitivism continues to be a powerful presence even in those works
normally regarded as critical of the concept. Providing close
readings of the ways in which the premodern or primitive is
strategically deployed in contemporary critical writings, Li's
interdisciplinary study is a timely and forceful intervention into
current debates on the politics and ethics of otherness, the
problems of cultural relativism, and the vicissitudes of modernity.
During the past two decades, postcolonial studies has proven to be
one of the fastest growing fields of critical inquiry.
Postcolonialism has established itself as an important specialist
field within literature disciplines, and it has strong resonances
across other disciplines (history, sociology, anthropology,
geography, cultural studies) and is a field which has inspired
genuinely interdisciplinary research. Linked Histories:
Postcolonial Studies in a Globalized World, collected from the
journal ARIEL (A Review of International English Literataure), take
up some of the most pressing issues in postcolonial debates: the
challenges which new theories of globalization present for
postcolonial studies, the difficulties of rethinking how
"marginality" might be defined in a new globalized world, the
problems of imagining social transformation within globalization.
The editors' goal in bringing together this collection of articles
is not to provide any definitive statement on these urgent
questions; rather, it is to assemble a group of essays which "think
through" the issues and which therefore has the potential to move
the discipline forward. The contributors represented include a
balance of senior scholars with international reputations and
scholars who represent the next generation. With Contributions By:
Bill Ashcroft Rey Chow Rob Cover Wendy Faith Monika Fludernik
Revathi Krishnaswamy Mary Lawlor Victor Li Pamela McCallum Vijay
Mishra Wang Ning Kalpana Sheshadri-Crooks
Richard Nixon’s loss in the 1962 gubernatorial election in
California was more than just a simple electoral defeat. His
once-promising political career was in ruins as he dropped his
second high-profile race in as many years. Nixon, himself, rubbed
salt in his own self-inflicted wounds by delivering a growling,
bitter concession speech that made him seem like a sore loser. In
the months following his defeat and self-immolation, he left
California to move to New York so that he could work for a
prestigious Wall Street law firm. His new career only seemed to
confirm what everyone already knew: Richard Nixon was finished as a
politician. Except, he wasn’t. Nixon’s political resurrection
was virtually unprecedented in American history role, and he had
his law firm to thank for paving his way to the White House. His
role as public partner at Nixon, Mudge, Rose, Guthrie &
Alexander was the ideal platform for him as he looked to reinvent
himself after his back-to-back losses in 1960 and 1962. Nixon’s
firm gave him access to deep-pocketed clients, many of whom became
donors when he decided to take the plunge in 1968. Furthermore,
working for so many international clients allowed him to travel the
world and burnish his foreign policy credentials – a vital
quality that voters were looking for as the Cold War raged on and
the Vietnam War showed no signs of slowing down. Nixon’s time at
the firm also allowed him to build a formidable campaign staff
consisting of top-notch lawyers, researchers and writers – a
staff that did just about everything for him when it came time to
ramp up for the 1968 campaign.
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