It's the same message every election year: "Get out and vote--It's your civic duty." Those who audit the sound bites of the candidates, read headlines about the debates and finally pull the lever at their local precinct are touted as moral, upstanding citizens; those who find among the candidates no agreeable representative, no platform worthy of espousal, and who then refuse to turn out on election day, on the other hand, are labeled apathetic and the legitimacy of their opposition is denied. This book is an anthology of articles and excerpts from a variety of sources that deal with the topic of nonvoting. In presenting the minority view that important moral and political reasons abound for not voting, the book unfolds four general arguments: voting is implicitly a coercive act because it lends support to a compulsory state; voting reinforces the legitimacy of the state; and existing nonpolitical, voluntarist alternatives better serve society. Many people do not agree with the concept of nonvoting--but the serious and well thought through underpinnings of such a belief are of crucial importance to an understanding of modern American politics.

Throughout history, governments have sought more efficient ways to count, tax, allocate, monitor and order the activities of their citizens. Watner and McElroy have compiled a collection of essays that present the historical, religious, moral and practical arguments against government identification. The articles look at several government naming practices and the census and discuss how the collection of seemingly innocent data could be used to commit abuses. Section one recounts the history of what we now call national ID. Section two covers contemporary technologies, such as microchips, email tracking and camera-based surveillance systems, applying to each the test, ""How would this catch terrorists or other criminals without destroying the rights of peaceable people?"" Section three imagines a future of rebellion against a government tracking its citizens in the name of security, but offers some hope that American culture does not lend itself to the fanatical control that a high-tech national ID system could make possible.

In her pioneering work, The Debates of Liberty, Wendy McElroy provides a comprehensive examination of one of the most remarkable and influential political phenomena in America: the anarchist periodical Liberty and the circle of radicals who surrounded it. Liberty, which is widely considered to be the premier individualist-anarchist periodical ever issued in the English language, published such items as George Bernard Shaw's first original article to appear in the United States and the first American translated excerpts of Friedrich Nietzsche. Arguably the world's foremost expert on Liberty, Dr. McElroy exposes the reader to the controversy etched in each debate, ranging from radical civil liberties to economic theory, and from children's rights to the basis of rent and interest. While addressing the facts, Dr. McElroy also conveys and captures the individualistic personalities that emerged: Lysander Spooner, Auberon Herbert, Joshua K. Ingalls, John Henry Mackay, Victor Yarros, and Wordsworth Donisthorpe are only a partial listing.

The contributors to this important new collection offer a vision of contemporary feminism that runs counter to and goes beyond the dominant attitudes of the feminist orthodoxy. Basing their arguments on individual rights and personal responsibility, the contributors to Liberty for Women offer surprising views on a wide range of issues that confront modern women: self-defense, sexual freedom, reproduction, economic well-being, the promise of technology, and the place of traditional values, including the family. This new feminism, for example, asserts the right of gun ownership, champions the free market as the best hope for women s prosperity, defends abortion rights, and values traditions. It sees choice as the key for all women, from housewives to CEOs, from prostitutes to mothers. The contributors include Camille Paglia, Norma Jean Almodovar, Matthew Y. Biscan, Lois Copeland, Janis Cortese, Richard A. Epstein, Faith Gibson, Mimi Gladstein, Wendy McElroy, Martha C. Nussbaum, Ellen Frankel Paul, Rita J. Simon, Richard W. Stevens, Nadine Strossen, Alexander Tabarrok, Hugo Tuefel III, and Cathy Young. Liberty for Women is an eye-opening collection that is certain to challenge, annoy, and entertain. Published in association with The Independent Institute.

The contributors to this important new collection offer a vision of contemporary feminism that runs counter to and goes beyond the dominant attitudes of the feminist orthodoxy. Basing their arguments on individual rights and personal responsibility, the contributors offer surprising views on a wide range of issues that confront modern woman. Published in association with The Independent Institute.

Feminism today has many definitions, but to a large degree, the movement has its roots in nineteenth century individualist feminism, which was based on the theory that all humans should be treated as sovereign individuals, regardless of gender, race, or religion. This once-shocking idea was championed by many individuals and publications now largely forgotten. This unique work covers the history of the individualist feminism movement and of three prominent publications that rose in its defence: The Word, Liberty, and Lucifer the Light Bearer. Although these journals published some of the most important ideas on feminism, anarchism, and personal liberty, they are often overlooked today. Biographies and selections of writing from contributors to these magazines feature the remarkable women and men who laid many of the foundations for modern feminist thought. Included among those profiled are Angela Heywood, who first defended abortion based on woman's self-ownership of her body, and Lillian Harman, who was jailed at the age of 16 for being married without state or church ceremonies. These profiles and writings provide insight into the lives and work of these important, but often neglected early feminists.