Why do some American intelligence officials maintain fallout shelters and private contingency plans to evacuate their families in the event of a Russian nuclear strike--even in today's post-Cold War era of U.S.-Russian partnership? The frightening answer lies within the pages of "War Scare," a terrifying assessment of the prospect for nuclear holocaust in our day. Written by Peter Vincent Pry, a former CIA military analyst, "War Scare" provides a history of our country's little-known brushes with nuclear war and warns that, contrary to popular opinion and the assurances of our political leaders, the possibility of a Russian attack still exists. Nuclear deterrence has been the foundation of Western security for the last 50 years, but since the end of the Cold War, Russian military doctrine has become more destabilizing, and much more dangerous, than is commonly believed.

By making use of a wealth of declassified and unclassified material, Dr. Pry illustrates how Russia's brutal past continues to shape the consciousness and decision making of its leaders, many of whom are unreconstructed ideologues from the old Soviet regime. Gripped by a perpetual perception of imminent threat--a war scare--the Russian General Staff, which controls the technical capability of launching a nuclear strike, has shown itself to be unstable at best. The author explores recent history and near-disasters such as the Bosnian crisis, the Norway missile incident, and U.S. air strikes on Iraq from the perspective of the Russian General Staff, believing that only by understanding their viewpoint can we minimize the risk of unintentionally provoking a deadly attack. Wary of NATO expansion and reeling from the Russian economy's descent into chaos, the General Staff may interpret Western military exercises and operations in the Middle East and elsewhere as concealing surprise aggression against Russia. This is a grave situation, indeed, as even after the START I, II, and III agreements, Russia will retain enough nuclear weapons to destroy the world--not to mention significantly expanded chemical and biological warfare capability. "War Scare" convincingly shows that we ignore these facts at our peril.

William Blair's Virginia's Private War is a close study of the home front in the Confederacy and a significant contribution to our understanding of the Confederate defeat. Blair challenges and effectively overturns the dominant assumption that internal stresses and conflicts, particularly along lines of class and race, undermined the Confederacy. Rather, he shows that for most of the South the centripetal forces of Confederate nationalism and defence of home and hearth against an invading enemy were more powerful. Internal problems, including dissent, wracked the state of Virginia, yet these private wars actually helped prolong the conflict as they forced authorities to turn the war into more of a rich man's fight.

This book examines the role of the military in the wave of democratization that has swept through Latin America in the past decade. Although much of the leading literature on the transition to democracy recognizes the importance of hardline and softline factions within the military in this process, the author takes this study one step further to investigate the motivations of the military officers themselves. Using the cases of Brazil and Bolivia, and relying on dozens of interviews with military officers, politicians, jurists, and other observers throughout Latin America, he determines that the factions' attitudes do not depend primarily on ideological commitment but on the leaders' calculation, as to the career benefits to their followers of either supporting or opposing democratization. In terms of policy making, it is important to recognize this distinction in order to help preserve the fragile democracies which are already under threat from the military once again.

This handbook by 14 well-known experts provides an overall analysis of U.S. military strengths and weaknesses in the 1990s and needs at the turn of the century. The first part of the book covers the U.S. armed forces under the Department of Defense and the military chain of command. The second half of the book deals with the American way of war, different military conflicts, and noncombat contingencies. The introduction defines national security concepts and sets the stage for the assessments that follow; the conclusion evaluates the military challenges confronting the United States in the 21st century. Each chapter offers short lists of readings. A glossary and comprehensive index make this an easy-to-use reference for students, teachers, professionals, and general readers concerned with America's defense needs.

This book is a provocative account of the ties between civil defence, national security, and public support for nuclear deterrence in the early Cold War. Oakes argues that while civil defence films and drills told Americans it was possible to survive a nuclear attack, the primary purpose of civil defence was to provide a moral foundation for nuclear deterrence.

The battle for control over the National Guard began with passage of the National Defense Act of 1933. The National Guard Association's insistence on a federal role for the Guard prompted the creation of dual status for Guardsmen. After 1933 they were not only soldiers of the state, but of the nation as well. The first test of the Guard's new status came as the world plunged into the Second World War. The compromises, conflicts, emotions, and legal precedents involved in the 1940-41 mobilization were to affect the National Guard and national defense strategy for many years to come. Yet, this important aspect of American history has been largely ignored. In most works on the Roosevelt era the federalization of 18 Guard divisions--which doubled the size of the Army--is given one or two lines. Guard historians have paid close attention to Guardsmen entering federal camps, but gloss over the politics of Army-Guard maneuvering prior to mobilization. This study demonstrates the importance of the political situation between these two defense establishments and their consequences for later defense policy and legislation.

Robert Bruce Sligh shows how the mobilization in 1940-41 spurred increased federal control over the Guard. Although the Army was hesitant to take the Guard into active service, once mobilized the Guard was rapidly co-opted. The Guard's dual goals of increased federal money while staying aloof from federal control were doomed to fail. This book will be of interest to those interested in American military history, national defense policy, National Guard history, and selective service legislation.

"The first time I attended a National Guard family event, I felt like I had been abducted by aliens " recalls Mary Corbett, the author ofNational Guard 101: A Handbook for Spouses. "I didn't understand anything I had never been in an armory before. I didn't know the difference between an officer and enlisted soldier. I didn't even know how to address the commander or his wife "

Mary decided to "wing it," rationalizing that since her husband was "just" a Guardsman she wasn't a "real" military wife. After all, military spouses lived on bases, operated within a strict structure of rank, and dealt with long deployments-right? Thank goodness she didn't have to worry about those things

On September 11, 2001, everything changed. Since that horrific act of war, virtually every unit of the National Guard-a force the size of the entire active Army-has served on active duty for one or more of the deployments at home or abroad. The last time the entire National Guard had been mobilized was during World War II. And Mary realized that she and others like her had been "real" military spouses all along.

America's 365,000+ National Guardsmen and their family members live and work as civilians in nearly 3,000 communities across the United States and her territories, and fight abroad in the defense of our country. National Guard 101 is the only military lifestyle book written specifically for this unique audience.

Corbett's unique book covers a broad range of topics, from practical knowledge about the history of the National Guard and understanding rank to softer subjects like social life in the Guard and family programs. Corbett also details the benefits and assistance resources available to Guard families and guides readers through the process of setting up a Personal Assistance League (PAL) to provide support during deployment.

Acronym-free and written in a lively and informal style, National Guard 101: A Handbook for Spouses demystifies the Guard's unique hybrid civilian-military lifestyle. It is a must-read book for every National Guard family member.

About the Author: Mary Corbett is a professional writer and National Guard wife. She has appeared on The Today Show, Fox News Channel, local television affiliates, and nationally syndicated radio. Her first book, The List: 7 Ways to Tell if He's Going to Marry You in 30 Days or Less was published in 2005. Mary lives in Alpharetta, Georgia, with her husband Major Jon Roscoe, ARNG, their children Holly and William, and their dog Rumsfeld.

In this book U.S. and European experts explore possible roles for armed services, intelligence services, and the private sector in homeland security in different countries. The contributors examine lessons learned from transformation programs for homeland security, analyze evolving conceptions of security, and suggest a joint road map for immediate and long-term policy action at national, European, and transatlantic levels. Contributors include Sandra Bell (Homeland Security and Resilience Department, RUSI), Heiko Borchert (Dr. Heiko Borchert and Co. and Dusseldorf Institute for Foreign and Security Policy, DIAS), Yves Boyer (Fondation pour la Recherche Strat?gique), Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen (Danish Institute for International Studies), Gerd Foehrenbach (Bundeswehr Center for Transformation), BG Gustav Gustenau (Austrian Ministry of Defense), Daniel Hamilton (Center for Transatlantic Relations), Lawrence J. Korb (Center for American Progress), Gustav Lindstrom (European Union Institute for Security Studies), Pauline Neville-Jones (QinetiQ Group plc and the UK's Information Assurance Advisory Council), and Alexander Schuller (Free University-Berlin).

Following work recently brought into sharper focus by the Defence of Britain Project, this is the first extensive overview of the military structures of the twentieth century, combining both documentary and fieldwork research. The book presents details of all those elements of the landscape, both urban and rural, which have resulted from the need to defend against conflict - actual or threatened. Defending Britain explains both the form and purpose of structures such as anti-invasion defences, airfields, naval installations and barracks, munitions dumps and firing ranges, Cold War bunkers and radar sites, factories and stores, all of which are well illustrated. The final section provides the reader with a comprehensive gazetteer of surviving examples to visit throughout Britain.

National Service (NS) is one of Singapore's foundational public policies. First implemented by the British in 1954, amended in 1967 to provide a means to defend a fledgling independent nation, and codified into its present form in 1970, NS is a key pillar of Singapore's defence. Its significance, however, goes beyond defence. With over 1 million male Singapore citizens and permanent residents having served NS, and consequently involving many more - family members, friends, employers and colleagues - in different ways, NS is deeply woven into Singapore's political and social fabric. This volume brings together a range of scholarly perspectives on NS which explore its past, present and future in four sections: The history of NS, NS in practice, debates on NS and an international perspective. Comprising chapters by individuals from varied backgrounds, National Service in Singapore offers a broad account of one of Singapore's oldest public policies.

National Service (NS) is one of Singapore's foundational public policies. First implemented by the British in 1954, amended in 1967 to provide a means to defend a fledgling independent nation, and codified into its present form in 1970, NS is a key pillar of Singapore's defence. Its significance, however, goes beyond defence. With over 1 million male Singapore citizens and permanent residents having served NS, and consequently involving many more - family members, friends, employers and colleagues - in different ways, NS is deeply woven into Singapore's political and social fabric. This volume brings together a range of scholarly perspectives on NS which explore its past, present and future in four sections: The history of NS, NS in practice, debates on NS and an international perspective. Comprising chapters by individuals from varied backgrounds, National Service in Singapore offers a broad account of one of Singapore's oldest public policies.

As the bombs fell on Guernica, the Blitz terrorized Britons, and atrocities were reported from Nanking-even before Pearl Harbor-Americans watched and worried about attacks on their homeland. In 1941, US mayors urged President Franklin D. Roosevelt to form a federal agency to focus on mobilization and citizen protection. In May of that year, FDR established an Office of Civilian Defense to protect Americans from foreign and domestic threats. As its head, he appointed New York Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, elected leader of America's most vulnerable city. As the assistant director, he appointed First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt In this book, Matthew Dallek, historian, journalist, and speechwriter, narrates the history of the Office of Civilian Defense. He uses the development of the precursor of "homeland security" as a way of examining constitutional questions about civil liberties; the role of government in propagandizing to its own citizens; competing visions among liberals and conservatives for establishing a plan to defend America; and federal, state, and local responsibilities for citizen protection. Much of the dramatic tension lies in the preparation of communities against attack and their fears of Japanese invasion along the Pacific Coast and Nazi invasion. So too there was a clash of visions between LaGuardia and Eleanor Roosevelt. The mayor argued that the OCD's focus had to be on preparing the country against German and Japanese attack, including conducting blackout drills, preparing evacuation plans, coordinating emergency medical teams, and protecting industrial plants and transportation centers. The First Lady believed the OCD should also promote social justice for African Americans and women and raise civilian morale through the building of nursery schools, old-age homes, housing projects, and physical fitness centers. Their clashes frustrated FDR, who pressured them both to resign in 1942, and led to the appointment of James Landis, commissioner of the SEC, who created a semi-military operation that involved grassroots citizen mobilization, including dimming house-lights to prevent German subs from spotting American ships on the Atlantic, planting Victory Gardens, and building the Civil Air Patrol. Over twelve million volunteers joined civil defense under his leadership, making it the largest volunteer program in World War II America. This dramatic story of the wartime homefront will interest readers attracted to New Deal and wartime domestic history, those who read about both Roosevelts and Fiorello LaGuardia, and those interested in the history of civil defense and Homeland Security.

Demographic shifts are a cause, an effect, and a forerunner of geopolitical shocks and transformations. Examining these shifts is an important step in any strategic assessment of the global security environment. Unfortunately, the demographic community and the strategic and defense communities seldom interact. Providing venues for such interactions is therefore important. For this purpose, RAND sponsored a workshop on "Demography and National Security" in Paris at the initiative of RAND's Population Matters program in November 2000. The workshop brought together French, American, and other European demographers; senior representatives from the French Ministry of Defense; and researchers, economists, and experts in geopolitics. Revealing differences emerged, both between demographers and national-security experts and also between American and French participants. Different objects of concern surfaced, and contrasting views of phenomena were debated. For example, immigration and its social, cultural, and political impacts tended to be seen in an altogether different light on the two sides of the Atlantic. Americans were more likely to focus on the geopolitical implications outside U.S. borders, while Europeans focused on its domestic implications.