The United States may be headed toward a disastrous conflict with China unless Washington updates its understanding of contemporary Chinese society.After four decades of engagement, the United States and China now appear to be locked on a collision course that has already fomented a trade war, seems likely to produce a new cold war, and could even result in dangerous military conflict. The current deterioration of the bilateral relationship is the culmination of years of disputes, disillusionment, disappointment, and distrust between the two countries. Washington has legitimate concerns about Beijing's excessive domestic political control and aggressive foreign policy stances, just as Chinese leaders believe the United States still has futile designs on blocking their country's inevitable rise to great-power status. Cheng Li's Middle Class Shanghai argues that American policymakers must not lose sight of the expansive dynamism and diversity in present-day China. The caricature of the PRC as a monolithic Communist apparatus set on exporting its ideology and development model is simplistic and misguided. Through multifaceted empirical research, this unique study argues that America's complete decoupling approach toward China will undermine the interests of the United States. Combining eclectic human stories with striking new data analysis, this book addresses the possibility that the development of China's class structure and cosmopolitan culture exemplified and led by Shanghai- could provide a force for reshaping U.S.-China engagement. Both countries should build upon the deep cultural and educational exchanges that have bound them together for decades. The author concludes that U.S. policymakers should neither underestimate the role and strength of the Chinese middle class, nor ostracize or alienate this force with policies that push it toward jingoistic nationalism to the detriment of both countries and the global community. With its unique focus, this book will enlighten policymakers, scholars, business leaders, and anyone interested in China and its increasingly fraught relations with the United States.

As the Cold War raged on in the 1970s and 1980s, much of southern Africa, from Angola to Mozambique, became caught up in the superpower competition as local and regional proxies for both Moscow and Washington fought it out on the battlefield. Thus, the struggle to determine the future of a newly independent Mozambique was shaped by multiple factors beyond the control of its people in the course of its 16-year conflict from 1977-1992\. These factors also contributed to the longevity and ferocity of the Mozambican war that would leave an estimated one million dead, millions more displaced and made homeless, and a country in ruins. From the rise of the Resistencia Nacional Mocambicana, or Renamo, in 1977 as a Rhodesian weapon against Zimbabwean nationalist guerrillas operating in Mozambique, through South African patronage in the 1980s and to Renamo's evolution as a self-sufficient insurgency, the forces of Mozambican nationalism became inexorably intertwined with the geopolitics of the region and the international manifestations of the Cold War. Thus, both government and rebel forces found themselves repeatedly beholden to external interests - be it American, Soviet, Cuban, South African or Rhodesian - as each sought to advance its own agenda and future vision of the country. However, it would be Mozambicans themselves who spilled their blood in a clash of men and arms that spanned the length and breadth of the country. And ultimately this is their story of sacrifice and triumph.

Overcoming the Oppressors traces southern Africa's long walk to freedom, the overturning of colonial rule in the northern territories, and the dissolution of backs-to-the-wall white settler suzerainty, first in what became Zimbabwe and then in South Africa. Chapters on the individual countries detail the stages along their sometimes complicated and tortuous struggle to attain the political New Zion. Rotberg explains how and why the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland failed, how and why apartheid eventually collapsed, and exactly how the various components of this heavily white conquered, and later white oppressed, domain transitioned via diverse fits and starts into today's assemblage of proud, politically charged, and still mostly fragmented nation-states. But what did the new republics make of their hard-won freedoms? Having liberated themselves successfully, several soon dismantled democratic safeguards, established effective single-party states, closed their economies, deprived citizens of human rights and civil liberties, and exchanged economic progress for varieties of central planning experiments and stunted forms of protected economic endeavors. Only Botswana, of the new entities, embraced full democracy and good governance. The others, even South Africa, at first tightly regimented their economies and attempted to severely limit the degrees of economic freedom and social progress that citizens could enjoy. Corruption prevailed everywhere except Botswana. Today, as the chapters on contemporary southern Africa reveal, most of the southern half of the African continent is returning, if sometimes struggling, to the patterns of probity and good governance that many countries abandoned in the decades after independence.

This book is a compilation of papers presented at a day-long conference organized in Chennai, on March 28, 2019, by the Chennai Centre for China Studies (C3S) in partnership with the National Maritime Foundation (NMF) and the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, University of Madras, and supported by the Indian Navy and Indian Coast Guard on the theme, “Securing India's Maritime Neighbourhood: Challenges and Opportunities�. Contributors included a whole galaxy of luminaries from the serving and veteran echelons of the Indian Armed Forces, the diplomatic community, maritime industry, doyens of Indian academia, and distinguished personalities from the Fourth Estate. A number of facets of seminal importance to national security were addressed in the book. These included conceptual, geopolitical, economic, environmental, and technological issues.

Daesh is worse than the Taliban, which is now trying to bring a new ideology as Daesh-ism which is anti – Islam. This book brings out the alarming situation of the presence of Daesh in Pakistan and its expanding activities. It serves the international community as a reminder of the role they need to play in crushing this monster.

By delving into the complex, cross-generational exchanges that characterize any political project as rampant as empire, this thought-provoking study focuses on children and their ambivalent, intimate relationships with maps and practices of mapping at the dawn of the "American Century." Considering children as students, map and puzzle makers, letter writers, and playmates, Mahshid Mayar interrogates the ways turn-of-the-century American children encountered, made sense of, and produced spatial narratives and cognitive maps of the United States and the world. Mayar further probes how children's diverse patterns of consuming, relating to, and appropriating the "truths" that maps represent turned cartography into a site of personal and political contention. To investigate where in the world the United States imagined itself at the end of the nineteenth century, this book calls for new modes of mapping the United States as it studies the nation on regional, hemispheric, and global scales. By examining the multilayered liaison between imperial pedagogy and geopolitical literacy across a wide range of archival evidence, Mayar delivers a careful microhistorical study of U.S. empire.

The Middle East and North Africa Region encapsulates many of the issues surrounding water and human mobility. It is the most water-scarce region in the world and is experiencing unprecedented levels of forced displacement. Ebb and Flow: Volume 2. Water in the Shadow of Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa examines the links between water risks (harmful outcomes related to water, from droughts and floods to lack of sanitation), conflict, and forced displacement. It aims to better explain how to address the vulnerabilities of forcibly displaced persons and their host communities, and to identify water policy and investment responses. Contrary to common belief, the report finds that the evidence linking water risks with conflict and forced displacement in the region is not unequivocal. Water risks are more frequently related to cooperation than to conflict at both domestic and international levels. But while conflict is not necessarily a consequence of water risks, the reverse is a real and concerning phenomenon: conflict amplifies water risks. Since 2011, there have been at least 180 instances of intentional targeting of water infrastructure in conflicts in Gaza, Libya, the Syrian Arab Republic, and the Republic of Yemen. Forcibly displaced persons and their host communities face myriad water risks. Access to safe drinking water is a daily struggle for millions of forcibly displaced Iraqis, Libyans, Palestinians, Syrians, Yemenis, and international migrants in the region, heightening public health risks. Tanker trucks often help fill the gap; however, significant issues of water quality, reliability, and affordability remain. Host communities also face localized declines in water availability and quality as well as unplanned burdens on water services following the arrival of forcibly displaced persons. The reality of protracted forced displacement requires a shift from humanitarian support toward a development approach for water security, including structured yet flexible planning to deliver water services and sustain water resources for forcibly displaced persons and their host communities.

The paradox of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia The Obama administration's pivot-to-Asia policy establishes an important place for Southeast Asia in U.S. foreign policy. But Washington's attention to the region has fluctuated dramatically, from the intense intervention of the cold war era to near neglect in more recent years. As a consequence, countries in Southeast Asia worry that the United States once again will become distracted by other problems and disengage from the region. This book written by an astute observer of the region and U.S. policy casts light on the sources of these anxieties. A main consideration is that it still is not clear how Southeast Asia fits into U.S. strategy for Asia and the broader world. Is the region central to U.S. policymaking, or an afterthought? Ambivalent Engagement highlights a dilemma that is becoming increasingly conspicuous and problematic. Southeast Asia continues to rely on the United States to play an active role in the region even though it is an external power. But the countries of Southeast Asia have very different views about precisely what role the United States should play. The consequences of this ambivalence will grow in importance with the expanding role of yet another outside power, China.

"The Book is a window on Indian cultural diplomacy, which is set against the backdrop of its ethos of 'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam' (The World is a Family). It is pivoted to the 'Idea of India' that gets manifested through acceptance of diversity and celebration of pluralism. The Book in 15 chapters under 8 sections provides a comprehensive picture on the concept of cultural diplomacy; its relationship with public diplomacy and soft power; its place in the diplomatic architecture and its growing centrality. Unlike soft power, cultural diplomacy is not in the paradigm of power. The Book also provides an in depth study on the origins and evolution of Indian cultural diplomacy over the years. It reviews the role of the Ministries of Culture and External Affairs and the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR). It examines various instrumentalities, such as Cultural Agreements, Festivals of India, Cultural Centres and Chairs of Indian Studies, used by India, to achieve its objectives. The role played by Education, Media and Diaspora, as bridge builders is evaluated. The Book peeps into global cultural hubs, like the Smithsonian Institution in Washington DC and the working of cultural diplomacy at grassroots level at Chandigarh and Chicago. Two chapters in the Book look at the operation of cultural diplomacy in the Indian diplomatic missions and foreign diplomatic missions in India. This adds a practical dimension to the conceptual framework, as seen by practitioners of diplomacy. The final chapter provides an overview on the existing reality. A section on 'The Way Ahead' makes a number of practical recommendations in five clusters, to take cultural diplomacy to a higher plateau. Finally, it raises a set of pertinent issues and points for consideration by theoreticians and practitioners of cultural diplomacy. The Book would serve as a useful reference point for further studies, as it fills the existing void in the literature on cultural diplomacy."

The second volume of the India Tibet Relations (1947-1962) begins soon after signature of 17-Point Agreement in May 1951. During the years under study (1951-54), the position of India on the Roof of the World changed drastically. This volume shall go in depth into the slow deterioration of the age-old Indo-Tibet relations, gradually being replaced by a cruder relation with the new occupiers of Tibet. The Indian officials posted in Lhasa, Gyantse, Yatung or Gartok were the first to realize the true face of the Chinese `liberators’. During this period, very few Tibetans had the courage to fight the ineluctable; most Tibetans, whether from the aristocracy or the clergy, collaborated with the occupying forces. “Will Tibet find her soul again?� wrote the Indian Trade Agent in Gyantse in one of his reports. The question is still hanging.

South Asia one of the most populous, densely populated and volatile regions in the world remains in a state of `Unpleasant Stability’. Despite rich historical, cultural and political linkages, the region has embarrassingly poor mutual understanding and hence integration. While the failure of South Asia’s desired evolution as a cohesive region can be attributed to several factors ranging from terrorism, strained bilateral relations and the absence of military and strategic cooperation; India’s own engagement in the region has been found wanting, even though it has evolved over the years. A reinvigorated South Asia has the potential to vastly improve the lives of its 1.7 billion citizens – nearly one-fourth of all humanity – particularly India, the largest country of the region. The book is an important and valuable contribution as it attempts to bring under one volume a holistic understanding of the concept of strategic stability in South Asia; opportunities and challenges in the present geopolitical and geo-economic environment; to include rise of religious fundamentalism, strategic alliances / emerging partnerships between countries of the region and extra regional powers. It also analyses and puts forth recommendations for India’s own rise, peace and stability a `sine qua non’ for India to retain its pre–eminence in South Asia.

Today, China’s economy is behaving in a rather similar way to most other countries. This is true even after the government’s influence on industry which in some sectors is similar to what we see in some European countries such as France. China uses the same measurement yardsticks for GDP, foreign trade, inflation, industrial output, etc. as almost every other country. As such, comparisons are possible and called for. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the world’s second largest economy by nominal GDP and by purchasing power parity after the United States. It is the world’s fastest-growing major economy, with growth rates averaging 10%over the past 30 years. China is also the largest exporter and second largest importer of goods in the world. On a per capita income basis, China ranked 90th by nominal GDP and 91st by GDP (PPP) in 2011, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The provinces in the coastal regions of China tend to be more industrialized, while regions in the hinterland are less developed. As China’s economic importance has grown, so has attention to the structure and health of the economy. Growth in the People's Republic of China's restructuring economy continued to decelerate in 2016, but the government ensured stability through targeted fiscal and monetary support. Inflation started to rise, and the current account surplus narrowed but remained sizeable. These trends will continue in 2017 and 2018. Structural reform needs to be accelerated to boost productivity and sustain growth as outlined in the current 5-year plan. As the book addresses this crucial issue quite deftly, it is hoped that it would prove to be a source of great information for the reader.

This book explains the emergence of sub-regional cooperation mechanism in the maritime domain in South Asia. It deals with the trilateral cooperation of India, Sri Lanka and Maldives as they share common maritime connectivity. This book also analyses political, economic, cultural and security relationship between the three countries and explains the role of China in the Indian Ocean region and its impact on South Asia.

Germany, the most racist of countries less than a century ago, has for the past two years welcomed over one million refugees, more than any other European country. To find out the secret behind this turn of character, Tuvia Tenenbom, a Jew born in Israel, presented himself as a Jordanian and was able to gain entry into many refugee camps.

Living in squalid conditions in airless rooms, and with barely edible food, the refugees begged Tuvia to help them get out of the camps. When not with the refugees, Tuvia traveled through the land and mingled with the local people who shared with him that they, the Germans, were the kindest people in Europe, far superior to the "inhumane” Jews.

Tuvia Tenenbom's provocative re-enactment of the refugee reality in the middle of Europe, coupled with the rising anti-Semitism of the people who proclaim themselves to be kind, exposes the hypocrisy of the "Refugees Welcome" mantra chiming throughout the Western world.

This volume is a collection of short essays articles on the multidimensional aspects of the blue economy. It presents perspectives on the concept and the essential ingredients of the blue economy such as marine resources, maritime infrastructure and marine environment. International cooperative approaches to promote blue economy, the role of maritime governance and capacity building are discussed in the context of implementing the blue economy. The book also promotes the importance of sustainable utilization of the oceans which lies at the core of the blue economy.

This book explores the multifaceted aspects of India's energy security concerns. It sheds light on India's energy insecurity and explores its various dimensions, its nature and extent. It examines the role that trade, foreign and security policy should play in enhancing India's energy security. It is argued that the key challenge for India is to increase economic growth while at the same time keeping energy demands low. This is especially challenging with the transition from biomass to fossil fuels, the growth of the motorized private transport and rising incomes, aspirations and changing lifestyles. The book suggests that at this time there are strong arguments to lessen India's fossil fuel dependence and it argues for a need to engage with all the key sources of this dependence to implement a process of energy change.

"Multiple paths to nation building in South Asia" is the most popular and controversial subject. Identity-based politics, whether one rejects or accepts, is equally a pressing problem for the countries of the region. The traditional route to national integration and political order is being questioned by the emergence of newer trends in national politics of each country of the region. Questions of minorities, ethnic, regional and suppressed groups (dalits and other highly marginalized communities) need to be tackled by taking appropriate policies so that such groups do not develop the feeling of deprivation. If inclusive democracy and empowerment of marginalized communities can become one of the positive aspects of nation building project, federalism has become yet another design for some countries. Nepal's aspiration for federalism is not the product of well-thought out design, but it has become imperative for nation building in course of time. India and Pakistan are likely to increase some more federal units to address the demands of peoples residing in respective areas making nation building as an ongoing process.

In this remarkably candid book, the author has taken a hard look at Pakistan, in his words our difficult neighbour and analysed the reasons as to why the two countries have never been friends and probably will not be in the future, at least not in the immediate one. The author attributes India's failure to neutralise Pakistan to its kind of near constant Gandhian (passive) approach to India's security interests. The author believes that the future of Muslims in India is bright and that it would be quite a lusterless country without them. It is a matter of time before India has its first Muslim Prime Minister but this will happen when the latter represents interests of all Indians and not merely those of the Muslims. His study of Muslims is spread of a wide range of inter related perspectives. What has been written comes through the author's personal knowledge, not through any ideological prism and also secondary observations of other people and least of all through rose tinted glasses. He has spared no one who he believes is guilty of committing crimes against the Nation. It is a passionate book that ends on an optimistic note.