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"Was Hitler A Riddle?" is the first comparative study of how
British, French, and American diplomats serving in Germany assessed
Hitler and the Nazi movement. These assessments provided the
governments in London, Paris, and Washington with ample information
about the ruthlessness of the authorities in Germany and of their
determination to conquer vast stretches of Europe. Had the British,
French, and American leaders acted on this information and taken
measures to rein in Hitler, the history of the twentieth century
would have been far less bloody: the second world war might well
have been avoided, the Soviet Union would not have expanded into
central and eastern Europe, and the world would have been spared
the Cold War.
"Was Hitler A Riddle?" is the first comparative study of how
British, French, and American diplomats serving in Germany assessed
Hitler and the Nazi movement. These assessments provided the
governments in London, Paris, and Washington with ample information
about the ruthlessness of the authorities in Germany and of their
determination to conquer vast stretches of Europe. Had the British,
French, and American leaders acted on this information and taken
measures to rein in Hitler, the history of the twentieth century
would have been far less bloody: the second world war might well
have been avoided, the Soviet Union would not have expanded into
central and eastern Europe, and the world would have been spared
the Cold War.
This is a study of how the Jewish community of Breslau-the third
largest and one of the most affluent in Germany-coped with Nazi
persecution. Ascher has included the experiences of his immediate
family, although the book is based mainly on archival sources,
numerous personal reminiscences, as well as publications by the
Jewish community in the 1930s. It is the first comprehensive study
of a local Jewish community in Germany under Nazi rule. Until the
very end, the Breslau Jews maintained a stance of defiance and
sought to persevere as a cohesive group with its own institutions.
They categorically denied the Nazi claim that they were not genuine
Germans, but at the same time they also refused to abandon their
Jewish heritage. They created a new school for the children evicted
from public schools, established a variety of new cultural
institutions, placed new emphasis on religious observance,
maintained the Jewish hospital against all odds, and, perhaps most
remarkably, increased the range of welfare services, which were
desperately needed as more and more of their number lost their
livelihood. In short, the Jews of Breslau refused to abandon either
their institutions or the values that they had nurtured for
decades. In the end, it was of no avail as the Nazis used their
overwhelming power to liquidate the community by force.
This is a concise history of the Revolution of 1905, a critical
juncture in the history of Russia when several possible paths were
opened up for the country. By the end of that year, virtually every
social group had become active in the opposition to the autocracy,
which was on the verge of collapse. Only the promise of reform, in
particular the formation of a parliament (Duma) that would
participate in governing the country, enabled to old order to
survive. For some eighteen months the opposition and the Tsarist
regime continued to struggle for supremacy, and only in June 1907
did the government reassert its authority. It drastically changed
the relatively liberal electoral law, depriving many citizens of
the vote. Although the revolution was now over, some institutional
changes remained intact. Most notably, Russia retained an elected
legislature and political parties speaking for various social and
economic interests. As a result, the autocratic system of rule was
undermined, and the fate of the political and social order remained
uncertain.
This is the first comprehensive biography in any language of
Russia’s leading statesman in the period following the Revolution
of 1905. Prime Minister and Minister of Internal Affairs from 1906
to 1911 (when he was assassinated), P. A. Stolypin aroused deep
passions among his contemporaries as well as subsequent historians.
In the twilight of Nicholas II’s reign he was virtually the only
man who seemed to have a clear notion of how to reform the
socioeconomic and political system of the empire. His efforts in
that direction—in agriculture, local administration, religious
freedom, social legislation, the legal system—were radically new
departures for the Russian state. His detractors disdained him as a
power-hungry, coldhearted politician who was unscrupulous in
pursuing his own career and would use any means to restore the
tsarist autocracy following the frightening turbulence of 1905.
Stolypin’s admirers, however, argued that he was a man of vision
who pursued policies that would have transformed the country into a
modern state with social and political institutions comparable to
those of the West. Lenin’s celebrated denunciation of Stolypin as
“hangman-in-chief” set the tone for official Soviet work on his
career. In the West, some historians and émigré writers, most
notably Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, erred in the opposite direction. By
contrast, this book—on the basis of extensive Russian archival
documentation only recently available to historians—seeks to
provide a balanced portrait of Stolypin that encompasses the
complex, even divergent, impulses that motivated him. Although
Stolypin did not shrink from the use of force to stamp out unrest,
he lamented the shedding of blood and much preferred nonviolent
means to curb the opposition. In foreign affairs, he was
uncompromising in his insistence that Russia should avoid
entanglements that could lead to military conflict. To be sure, he
was deeply committed to monarchical rule, but he did not consider
it advisable to abolish the elected legislature or to deprive it of
its authority. Stolypin’s program, a blend of reformism,
authoritarianism, and nationalism, was more likely than any other
to lead Russia toward social and political stability. But Tsar
Nicholas II, his entourage, and ultra-conservatives could not bring
themselves to yield a portion of their privileges and prerogatives
in return for a reduced, though still significant, role in a
changed Russia. They succeeded in undermining the Prime
Minister’s attempts at fundamental reform and thus scuttled
Imperial Russia’s last such attempt before its demise.
This second and final volume of the author's definitive study of
the Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath focuses on the years 1906
and 1907, and in particular on the struggle over the Duma, the
elected legislature that was the major consequence of the events of
1905.
Distinguished Professor Abraham Ascher offers an impressive blend
of engaging narrative and fresh analysis in this perennially
popular introduction to Russia. Newly updated on the 100th
anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, Russia: A Short History
begins with the origins of the first Slavic state, and continues to
the present-day tensions between Russia and its neighbours, the
rise of Vladimir Putin, and the increasingly complex relationship
with the United States.
The first of two volumes, this is the most comprehensive account of
the Revolution of 1905--a decisive turning point in modern Russian
history--to appear in any Western language in a generation.
Joseph Stalin began life as a frail child, with an abusive father
and an inferiority complex. This triggered an early desire for
greatness and respect that would eventually turn the young
Bolshevik idealist into one of the most ruthless dictators in
modern history. Like his contemporary, Adolf Hitler, Stalin was
responsible for millions of deaths and inflicted barbaric cruelty
on the Soviet people. But while Hitler is readily portrayed as a
monster, Stalin has not been subjected to quite the same level of
vitriol. In Stalin: A Beginner's Guide, renowned historian Abraham
Ascher analyses new and old sources, separating truths from
falsehoods to present an unvarnished portrait of the Soviet leader.
1917: the year a series of rebellions toppled three centuries of
autocratic rule and placed a group of political radicals in charge
of a world power. Here, suddenly, was the first modern socialist
state, "a kingdom more bright that any heaven had to offer". But
the dream was short-lived, bringing in its wake seventy years of
conflict and instability that nearly ended in nuclear war. How
could such a revolution take place and what caused it to go so very
wrong? Presenting a uniquely long view of events, Abraham Ascher
takes readers from the seeds of revolution in the 1880s right
through to Stalin's state terror and the power of the communist
legacy in Russia today. Original and shrewd, Ascher's analysis
offers an unparalled introduction to this watershed period in world
history
This is a concise history of the Revolution of 1905, a critical
juncture in the history of Russia when several possible paths were
opened up for the country. By the end of that year, virtually every
social group had become active in the opposition to the autocracy,
which was on the verge of collapse. Only the promise of reform, in
particular the formation of a parliament (Duma) that would
participate in governing the country, enabled to old order to
survive. For some eighteen months the opposition and the Tsarist
regime continued to struggle for supremacy, and only in June 1907
did the government reassert its authority. It drastically changed
the relatively liberal electoral law, depriving many citizens of
the vote. Although the revolution was now over, some institutional
changes remained intact. Most notably, Russia retained an elected
legislature and political parties speaking for various social and
economic interests. As a result, the autocratic system of rule was
undermined, and the fate of the political and social order remained
uncertain.
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