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Property remains the bedrock of the societies we all inhabit. It
underpins our core institutions - including families, states and
economies - and it is the medium through which the intensifying
politics of inequality is played out. There is plenty of evidence
that its importance is increasing in a world of growing wealth
inequality and depletion of natural resources. Volume Two of Just
Property traces the development of ideas about property in the
Western world from the early eighteenth century, through the
Enlightenment and the experience of the French Revolution, to the
critical stance of socialists and anarchists in the nineteenth
century. It ranges across the thought of Bernard Mandeville, David
Hume, Adam Smith, Voltaire, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, the Abbe de
Sieyes, Burke, Wollstonecraft, Charles Fourier, Karl Marx, Proudhon
and Peter Kropotkin. Many themes persist from an earlier period, as
does the influence of Christianity and the Roman Law but there are
also many innovations. In general, the authority of God and the
natural law recedes and the themes of utility and securing general
welfare became more prominent. In the wake of Locke, labour, though
sometimes in the form of 'past labour', that is capital, attains a
new prominence. For its admirers, a newly-unfettered private
property is the means of securing personal freedom, constraining
authoritarian governments, promoting the arts and sciences, and
delivering an unprecedented improvement in the material condition
of the whole population. For its critics, private property is the
central component in a new political economy of systemic and
unlimited class exploitation. It penetrates everywhere and corrupts
everything that it touches. With these arguments, we are clearly on
the terrain of modernity, witnessing a set of arguments and
counter-arguments with which we all still struggle.
We live in a world which is characterised by both a radical
inequality in wealth and incomes and the accelerating depletion of
scarce natural resources. One of the things that prevents us from
addressing these problems, perhaps even prevents us from seeing
them as problems, is our belief that individuals and corporations
have claims to certain resources and income streams that are
non-negotiable, even when these claims seem manifestly hostile to
our collective long-term well-being. This book is an attempt to
understand how, why and when we came to believe these things. This
first volume traces ideas about private property and its
justification in the Latin West, starting with the ancient Greeks.
It follows several lines of thinking which run through the Roman
and medieval worlds. It traces the profound impact of the rise of
Christianity and the instantiation of both natural and Roman Law.
It considers the complex interplay of religious and legal ideas as
these developed through the Renaissance, the Reformation and the
counter-Reformation leading on to the ideas associated with modern
natural law. The first volume concludes with a close re-reading of
Locke. We can find well-made arguments for private property
throughout this history but these were not always the arguments
which we now assume them to have been and they were almost always
radically conditional, qualified by other considerations, above
all, a sense of what the securing of the common good required.
These arguments included an appeal to the natural law, to the
dispensations of a just God, to utility, to securing economic
growth and to maintaining the peace. They almost never included the
claim that individuals have naturally- or God-given rights that
trump the well-being, especially the basic well-being, of other
individuals. In late modernity, we have lost sight of many of these
arguments - to our collective loss.
The new edition of this well-established and highly regarded
textbook continues to provide the clearest and most comprehensive
introduction to the modern state. It examines the state from its
historical origins at the birth of modernity to its current
jeopardized position in the globalized politics of the 21st
Century. The book has been entirely revised and updated throughout,
including substantial new material on the financial crisis and the
environment. Subjects covered include: * The evolution of the state
system * Placing the state in modernity * States and societies *
State and economy * States and citizens * States and the
international order * States of the twenty-first century This book
is essential reading for all those studying the state,
international relations and comparative politics.
The new edition of this well-established and highly regarded
textbook continues to provide the clearest and most comprehensive
introduction to the modern state. It examines the state from its
historical origins at the birth of modernity to its current
jeopardized position in the globalized politics of the 21st
Century. The book has been entirely revised and updated throughout,
including substantial new material on the financial crisis and the
environment. Subjects covered include: * The evolution of the state
system * Placing the state in modernity * States and societies *
State and economy * States and citizens * States and the
international order * States of the twenty-first century This book
is essential reading for all those studying the state,
international relations and comparative politics.
COVID-19 has transformed the British welfare state. The government
has created millions of new beneficiaries, spent tens of billions
of pounds it doesn't have and created a mountain of public debt.
And yet, when the crisis has passed, we will be left with all the
old problems of welfare and well-being which we have systematically
failed to address over the past 50 years. In this book, Christopher
Pierson argues that we need to think quite differently about how we
can ensure our collective well-being in the future. To do this, he
looks backwards to the welfare state's origins and development as
well as forwards, unearthing some surprising solutions in
unexpected places.
COVID-19 has transformed the British welfare state. The government
has created millions of new beneficiaries, spent tens of billions
of pounds it doesn't have and created a mountain of public debt.
And yet, when the crisis has passed, we will be left with all the
old problems of welfare and well-being which we have systematically
failed to address over the past 50 years. In this book, Christopher
Pierson argues that we need to think quite differently about how we
can ensure our collective well-being in the future. To do this, he
looks backwards to the welfare state's origins and development as
well as forwards, unearthing some surprising solutions in
unexpected places.
Anthony Giddens has been described as "the most important English
social philosopher of our time." Over 25 years, with a dazzling
series of books that attest to his unrelenting productivity, he has
established himself as today's most widely read and widely cited
social theorist. In recent years, his writings have become more
explicitly political, and in 1996 he became Director of the London
School of Economics and Political Science. It is in this position
that he has been accepted as the key intellectual figure of Tony
Blair's New Labour government.
Giddens's interests have always been remarkably diverse, ranging
from Continental philosophy to self-help therapy, and his work
builds on a critical engagement with an extraordinary array of
texts from within and beyond the canon of the social sciences. His
ideas have profoundly influenced the writing and teaching of the
central ideas of the rapidly changing study of modernity.
These seven extended interviews with Christopher Pierson, conducted
shortly after Giddens's arrival at the LSE, seek to cover the full
range of his thought since the early 1970's, beginning with his
engagement with the makers of "classical" sociology and concluding
with his thoughts on the nature of world politics under what
Giddens terms "reflexive modernity." The style of the interviews is
conversational, and Giddens sets forth his ideas with his customary
clarity and directness.
In addition to the interviews, four short pieces at the end of the
book give examples of Giddens's recent thought, treating Tony
Blair's political philosophy, the risk society concept in the
context of British politics, and the dangers of chemical
contamination. The volume concludes with a conversation between
Giddens and European financier and philanthropist George Soros.
The Oxford Handbook of the Welfare State is the authoritative and
definitive guide to the contemporary welfare state. In a volume
consisting of nearly fifty newly-written chapters, a broad range of
the world's leading scholars offer a comprehensive account of
everything one needs to know about the modern welfare state. The
Handbook is divided into eight sections. It opens with three
chapters that evaluate the philosophical case for (and against) the
welfare state. Surveys of the welfare state's history and of the
approaches taken to its study are followed by four extended
sections, running to some thirty-five chapters in all, which offer
a comprehensive and in-depth survey of our current state of
knowledge across the whole range of issues that the welfare state
embraces. The first of these sections looks at inputs and actors
(including the roles of parties, unions, and employers), the impact
of gender and religion, patterns of migration and a changing public
opinion, the role of international organisations and the impact of
globalization. The next two sections cover policy inputs (in areas
such as pensions, health care, disability, care of the elderly,
unemployment, and labour market activation) and their outcomes (in
terms of inequality and poverty, macroeconomic performance, and
retrenchment). The seventh section consists of seven chapters which
survey welfare state experience around the globe (and not just
within the OECD). Two final chapters consider questions about the
global future of the welfare state.
The individual chapters of the Handbook are written in an informed
but accessible way by leading researchers in their respective
fields giving the reader an excellent and truly up-to-date
knowledge of the area under discussion. Taken together, they
constitute a comprehensive compendium of all that is best in
contemporary welfare state research and a unique guide to what is
happening now in this most crucial and contested area of social and
political development.
This is the comprehensively-revised second edition of a volume that
was welcomed at its first appearance as 'the most authoritative
survey and critique of the welfare state yet published'. Its
fifty-one chapters have been written by acknowledged experts in the
field from across Europe, Australia, and North America. Some
chapters are brand new; all have been systematically revised, and
they are right up to date. The first seven sections of the book
cover the themes of Ethics, History, Approaches, Inputs and Actors,
Policies, Policy Outcomes, and Worlds of Welfare. A final chapter
is devoted to the future of welfare and well-being under the
imperatives of climate change. Every chapter is written in a way
that is both comprehensive and succinct, introducing the novice
reader to the essentials of what is going on while providing new
insights for the more experienced researcher. Wherever appropriate,
the handbook brings the very latest empirical evidence to bear. It
is a book that is thoroughly comparative in every way. The Oxford
Handbook of the Welfare State, second edition, is a comprehensible
and comprehensive survey of everything that it is important to know
about the welfare state in these troubled times. It is an
indispensable source for everyone who wants to know what is really
going on now, and what is likely to happen next.
This third and concluding volume of Just Property brings critical
accounts of property right up to the present. The book is made up
of five pairs of chapters located in five major ideological
traditions of modernity: liberalism, libertarianism, social
democracy, conservatism, and feminism. As before, the focus is on
particular thinkers and their daring, puzzling and sometimes
outrageous views. The concluding chapter returns to the project's
opening questions about property and inequality and about property
under the imperative of growth to limits. If we are to confront the
enormous challenges that loom in front of us, we have, above all
else, to think again, and quite radically, about the place of
property in our collective lives.
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