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Bringing together scholars of inequality, both inside and outside
of Asia, this book examines how the distribution of income has
affected political institutions, representation, and behaviour in
Asia. Through detailed data analysis, the international team of
contributors engages with the existing literature, arguing that the
connection between inequality and political institutions is much
more complex than has been suggested by previous studies from
outside the region. Instead, Inequality and Democratic Politics in
East Asia demonstrates that the micro-level evidence for the
correlation between inequality and democracy is mixed and the
impact of distributive politics is conditioned not only by
institutional but also by historical and geopolitical factors. As
such, this volume suggests that the median voter theorem and
simplified partisan models prove to be ineffectual in accounting
for distributive politics in East Asia. Analysing history,
structure, and context to further understand the politics of
inequality in East Asia, this book will be invaluable to students
of Asian politics, as well as students of inequality, democracy,
and political economy more widely.
Bringing together scholars of inequality, both inside and outside
of Asia, this book examines how the distribution of income has
affected political institutions, representation, and behaviour in
Asia. Through detailed data analysis, the international team of
contributors engages with the existing literature, arguing that the
connection between inequality and political institutions is much
more complex than has been suggested by previous studies from
outside the region. Instead, Inequality and Democratic Politics in
East Asia demonstrates that the micro-level evidence for the
correlation between inequality and democracy is mixed and the
impact of distributive politics is conditioned not only by
institutional but also by historical and geopolitical factors. As
such, this volume suggests that the median voter theorem and
simplified partisan models prove to be ineffectual in accounting
for distributive politics in East Asia. Analysing history,
structure, and context to further understand the politics of
inequality in East Asia, this book will be invaluable to students
of Asian politics, as well as students of inequality, democracy,
and political economy more widely.
This timely volume puts emphasis on the effect of social capital on
everyday life: how the routines of daily life lead people to get
involved in their communities. Focussing on its micro-level causes
and consequences, the book's international contributors argue that
social capital is fundamentally concerned with the value of social
networks and about how people interact with each other.
The book suggests that different modes of participation have
different consequences for creating - or destroying - a sense of
community or participation. The diversity of countries,
institutions and groups dealt with - from Indian castes to Dutch
churches, from highly competent 'everyday makers' in Scandinavia to
politics-avoiding Belgian women and Irish villagers - offers
fascinating case studies, and theoretical reflections for the
present debates about civil society and democracy.
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The Internet in Public Life (Paperback)
Verna V. Gehring; Contributions by William A. Galston, Thomas C. Hilde, Lucas D. Introna, Peter Levine, …
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R879
Discovery Miles 8 790
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Ships in 12 - 17 working days
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The spread of new information and communications technologies
during the past two decades has helped reshape civic associations,
political communities, and global relations. In the midst of the
information revolution, we find that the speed of this
technology-driven change has outpaced our understanding of its
social and ethical effects. The moral dimensions of this new
technology and its effects on social bonds need to be questioned
and scrutinized: Should the Internet be understood as a new form of
public space and a source of public good? What are we to make of
hackers? Does the Internet strengthen or weaken community? In The
Internet in Public Life, essayists confront these and other
important questions. This timely and necessary volume makes clear
the need for a broader conversation about the effects of the
Internet, and the questions raised by these seven essays highlight
some of the most pressing issues at hand.
This timely volume puts emphasis on the effect of social capital on everyday life: how the routines of daily life lead people to get involved in their communities. Focussing on its micro-level causes and consequences, the book's international contributors argue that social capital is fundamentally concerned with the value of social networks and about how people interact with each other. The book suggests that different modes of participation have different consequences for creating - or destroying - a sense of community or participation. The diversity of countries, institutions and groups dealt with - from Indian castes to Dutch churches, from highly competent 'everyday makers' in Scandinavia to politics-avoiding Belgian women and Irish villagers - offers fascinating case studies, and theoretical reflections for the present debates about civil society and democracy.
National Identity Identity and Partisan Polarization examines how
national identity has become a central issue in political and
social life across the world. Questions of identity-who should be
counted as a "true member" of a society and who deserves assistance
from the government-have displaced other social and economic issues
across nations in many countries. This study considers the role of
identity theoretically and in the United States, the United
Kingdom, France, Austria, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Poland, Israel,
and Taiwan. Identity varies over time and over countries. Some such
as Sweden have a more "inclusive" sense of identity-one does not
need to be born in the country or have ancestry to be considered a
"true Swede." Other countries, such as Austria, France, Hungary,
Poland, Israel, and Taiwan, have a more "exclusive" notion of
identity-where one was born and a common heritage (race, religion,
ethnicity) are seen as essential for seeing others as "true"
members of society. "Outsiders" are viewed negatively, often as
threatening a national culture and not deserving of government
assistance. In the United States, the United Kingdom, and France,
the major political parties take opposing positions on identity. In
the United States and the United Kingdom, issues of identity have
become highly correlated (polarized) with social and economic
issues. In the former Communist countries of Hungary and Poland,
the dominant parties have taken nationalist positions on identity
but favor generous welfare policies for people of their own
background. In Israel and Taiwan, social and economic issues have
become less important than nationalism.
Though many analyses of the 2012 presidential election have
emerged, none can match this collection's depth, diversity, or
ability to critically and soundly argue where American politics
will go from this point forward. This volume includes some of the
most recognized scholars in the field and innovative younger
scholars who provide a fresh perspective on the election. It is a
diverse and award winning group, including established and
respected names in presidency studies, political psychology, and
election forecasting. The contributions address a wide range of
subjects, from the accuracy of pre-election forecasts, the effect
of the election on relations between Obama and congressional
leaders, the effect of race and religion on the outcome, the
consequences for the Republican Party, and prospects for leadership
in a second term. Rather than a simplistic account of what happened
during the campaign, the volume will contribute to our
understanding of significant questions about the presidency, voting
behavior, political parties, and elections.
National identity plays an increasingly important role in Western,
liberal democracies. Thus, national identities are experienced as
threatened by immigration and diversity and restrictions on
immigration and nation-building policies are being implemented in
response. Specifically, it has been suggested that diversity drives
down social cohesion and thus the ties that bind people together in
stable, democratic welfare states. This book addresses challenges
to stable liberal democratic institutions and to social cohesion
resulting from immigration and diversity. Thus, immigration has
been considered an important factor in political polarization and
political responses and movements. National identity plays a
significant role both as something that, according to some, is
threatened by diversity and as something to which populist
politicians positively appeal in their justification of restrictive
immigration policies and efforts towards nation-building. In some
cases, political leaders have framed minorities as a threat to the
nation state warranting a departure from liberal democratic
institutions. This book considers the role of national identity in
contemporary societies and in particular its significance for
social cohesion. What role does national identity play for
political polarization? Do national identities mediate/moderate the
impact of diversity on social cohesion, including trust and
solidarity? Has identity politics contributed to a politics of
resentment and can more inclusive national identities serve to
diminish polarization? In the book, these and other questions about
the relation between national identity, belonging and social
cohesion are considered by a number of the most prominent scholars
in the field.
Generalized trust - faith in people you do not know who are likely
to be different from you - is a value that leads to many positive
outcomes for a society. Yet some scholars now argue that trust is
lower when we are surrounded by people who are different from us.
Eric M. Uslaner challenges this view and argues that residential
segregation, rather than diversity, leads to lower levels of trust.
Integrated and diverse neighborhoods will lead to higher levels of
trust, but only if people also have diverse social networks.
Professor Uslaner examines the theoretical and measurement
differences between segregation and diversity and summarizes
results on how integrated neighborhoods with diverse social
networks increase trust in the United States, Canada, the United
Kingdom, Sweden and Australia. He also shows how different
immigration and integration policies toward minorities shape both
social ties and trust.
Why does corruption persist over long periods of time? Why is it so
difficult to eliminate? Suggesting that corruption is deeply rooted
in the underlying social and historical political structures of a
country, Uslaner observes that there is a powerful statistical
relationship between levels of mass education in 1870 and
corruption levels in 2010 across 78 countries. He argues that an
early introduction of universal education is shown to be linked to
levels of economic equality and to efforts to increase state
capacity. Societies with more equal education gave citizens more
opportunities and power for opposing corruption, whilst the need
for increased state capacity was a strong motivation for the
introduction of universal education in many countries. Evidence for
this argument is presented from statistical models, case studies
from Northern and Southern Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, the
United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, as well as a
discussions of how some countries escaped the 'trap' of corruption.
Generalized trust faith in people you don't know who are likely to
be different from you is a value that leads to many positive
outcomes for a society. Yet some scholars now argue that trust is
lower when we are surrounded by people who are different from us.
Eric M. Uslaner challenges this view and argues that residential
segregation, rather than diversity, leads to lower levels of trust.
Integrated and diverse neighborhoods will lead to higher levels of
trust, but only if people also have diverse social networks.
Professor Uslaner examines the theoretical and measurement
differences between segregation and diversity and summarizes
results on how integrated neighborhoods with diverse social
networks increase trust in the United States, Canada, the United
Kingdom, Sweden, and Australia and how they increase altruism
toward people of different backgrounds in the United States and the
United Kingdom. He also shows how different immigration and
integration policies toward minorities shape both social ties and
trust.
This study seeks to explain why people place their faith in strangers, and why doing so matters. Trust is a moral value that does not depend on personal experience; we learn to trust from our parents. Trusting societies are more likely to redistribute resources from the rich to the poor, and to have more effective governments. Trust has been in decline in the United States for over 30 years. Uslaner uses aggregate time series and cross-sectional data to show that the roots of this decline can be found in declining optimism and economic inequality.
This study seeks to explain why people place their faith in strangers, and why doing so matters. Trust is a moral value that does not depend on personal experience; we learn to trust from our parents. Trusting societies are more likely to redistribute resources from the rich to the poor, and to have more effective governments. Trust has been in decline in the United States for over 30 years. Uslaner uses aggregate time series and cross-sectional data to show that the roots of this decline can be found in declining optimism and economic inequality.
"Institutionalism" is the buzzword of the 1980s and 1990s in the
social sciences. What is new in the contemporary analysis of
institutions and what does it offer to the study of social order?
In this book a distinguished group of social scientists drawn from
political science, economics, and sociology, explore this question
and show us how different theoretical approaches to institutional
analysis can be joined to build a more thorough understanding of
institutions.
The modern analysis of institutions has taken two separate paths.
Rational choice theories identified institutions as a strategic
response to collective action problems and as instruments for the
promotion of cooperation. Contrary to these theories, such
cooperation is fundamental to social order and a prerequisite for
economic growth and development. An alternate form of
institutionalism, drawn from sociological and historical analysis,
de-emphasized the role of choice, strategy, and design in the
construction of many of the major institutions in social life. This
form of institutional analysis pointed to the role of prior
choices, common norms, and culture in making certain options and
choices unthinkable or impossible. Institutions, according to this
view, may represent a certain kind of social order, but they do not
always promote cooperation and economic growth. The more recent
theories in the "new institutionalism" bring these seemingly
irreconcilable perspectives closer together. New institutionalists
argue that institutions must be grounded in the social fabric, and
thus rational choice must be combined with historical and cultural
variables. The papers collected in this volume address the merging
of rationalchoice and historical-sociological institutionalism in
the "new institutionalism."
The contributors are Randall L. Calvert, Christopher Clague,
Kathleen Cook, Peter Hall, Virginia Haufler, James Johnson, Gary
Miller, Karol Soltan, Rosemary C. R. Taylor, Eric M. Uslaner, and
Barry Weingast.
Karol Soltan is Associate Professor of Political Science,
University of Maryland. Eric M. Uslaner is Professor of Political
Science, University of Maryland. Virginia Haufler is Assistant
Professor of Political Science, University of Maryland.
Corruption flouts rules of fairness and gives some people
advantages that others don't have. Corruption is persistent; there
is little evidence that countries can escape the curse of
corruption easily - or at all. Instead of focusing on institutional
reform, in this book Eric M. Uslaner suggests that the roots of
corruption lie in economic and legal inequality, low levels of
generalized trust (which are not readily changed), and poor policy
choices (which may be more likely to change). Economic inequality
provides a fertile breeding ground for corruption, which, in turn,
leads to further inequalities. Just as corruption is persistent,
inequality and trust do not change much over time, according to
Uslaner's cross-national aggregate analyses. He argues that high
inequality leads to low trust and high corruption, and then to more
inequality - an inequality trap - and identifies direct linkages
between inequality and trust in surveys of the mass public and
elites in transition countries.
Corruption flouts rules of fairness and gives some people
advantages that others don't have. Corruption is persistent; there
is little evidence that countries can escape the curse of
corruption easily - or at all. Instead of focusing on institutional
reform, in this book Eric M. Uslaner suggests that the roots of
corruption lie in economic and legal inequality, low levels of
generalized trust (which are not readily changed), and poor policy
choices (which may be more likely to change). Economic inequality
provides a fertile breeding ground for corruption, which, in turn,
leads to further inequalities. Just as corruption is persistent,
inequality and trust do not change much over time, according to
Uslaner's cross-national aggregate analyses. He argues that high
inequality leads to low trust and high corruption, and then to more
inequality - an inequality trap - and identifies direct linkages
between inequality and trust in surveys of the mass public and
elites in transition countries.
What is the nature of representation? Why do some legislators seem
to pursue their own policy agenda and others only vote for the
wishes of a majority in their district? Eric M. Uslaner sheds new
light on this important debate, demonstrating that current notions
of representation are too narrow and that members of Congress do
both pursue a policy agenda and represent their constituents's
interests.
Uslaner argues that most representatives do not have to choose
between following their ideals or constituency preferences, because
voters usually elect public officials who are in tune with their
beliefs. And because the constituency is a complex organization of
sub-groups--some of which are more critical to achieving
re-election than others--the legis-lator is able to form alliances
with those who support the legislator's policy preferences. The
views of these groups within the constituence become the views to
which the legislator pays most attention. In short, the author
argues, politics are both local and ideological.
Uslaner explores the intersection of a legislator ideology and the
preferences of various constituencies. In looking at how they
interact and how representation affects reelection, the book sheds
new light on the place of ideology in American politics.
This book will be of interest to those concerned with
representation in all legislative bodies, including political
scientists and historians.
Eric M. Uslaner is Professor of Government, University of Maryland.
He is the author of "The Decline of Comity in Congress,"
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