How has 9/11 and George W. Bush's self-declared "war" on terror changed American government and US foreign policy? This is the central question addressed in the nine original essays in this book. Following an introduction by the editors, in which they survey issues and debates raised by America's "War" on Terrorism and its consequences for US government and politics, foreign policy, and for American foreign relations, the contributions to this volume-from British and American scholars-explain the implications of the post-9/11 mobilization and reconfiguration of US foreign and internal security policies. Issues addressed in the book include: the growth of presidential power, executive branch reconfiguration and the managerial presidency, the Bush doctrine of pre-emption, the changing role of the US in the international order, the impact of the "war" on terrorism on the US military, intelligence failure and the changed role of US intelligence, renewed tension in US-European relations, and Bush's alliance with Tony Blair's government in the United Kingdom. Taken together, the essays represent an original and timely assessment of the domestic and international repercussions of George W. Bush's responses to the terrorist attacks September 11, 2001.

Unrecognized states are territories that have achieved de facto independence, yet have failed to gain international recognition as independent states. These territories constitute anomalies in the international system of sovereign states and often present significant challenges to policy makers, as evidenced by the war in Georgia and the continued debate over Kosovo's independence. This book draws on both theory and case studies to better understand the phenomenon of unrecognized states, demonstrating that the existence of such entities is less unusual than previously assumed. Moving away from an overt focus on case studies, the chapters present various themes that link the emergence, operations, and development of unrecognized states and assess how the established order of states responds to the challenges they present: How do unrecognized interact with the international system of sovereign states? How does it shape their emergence, operations and development? How do these entities develop in a context of non-recognition? Are we witnessing a new form of statehood, or are these entities better understood as states-in-waiting? What are the strategies available for dealing with unrecognized states? Could power-sharing or autonomy provide a solution or are more innovative strategies necessary? With contributions from leading scholars in a number of fields, this book will appeal not only to students and scholars of Political Science, International Relations, Geography, Area Studies, Sociology, and Conflict Resolution, but also to journalists, government bodies and NGOs.

Unrecognized states are territories that have achieved de facto independence, yet have failed to gain international recognition as independent states. These territories constitute anomalies in the international system of sovereign states and often present significant challenges to policy makers, as evidenced by the war in Georgia and the continued debate over Kosovo's independence. This book draws on both theory and case studies to better understand the phenomenon of unrecognized states, demonstrating that the existence of such entities is less unusual than previously assumed. Moving away from an overt focus on case studies, the chapters present various themes that link the emergence, operations, and development of unrecognized states and assess how the established order of states responds to the challenges they present: * How do unrecognized interact with the international system of sovereign states? How does it shape their emergence, operations and development? * How do these entities develop in a context of non-recognition? * Are we witnessing a new form of statehood, or are these entities better understood as states-in-waiting? * What are the strategies available for dealing with unrecognized states? Could power-sharing or autonomy provide a solution or are more innovative strategies necessary? With contributions from leading scholars in a number of fields, this book will appeal not only to students and scholars of Political Science, International Relations, Geography, Area Studies, Sociology, and Conflict Resolution, but also to journalists, government bodies and NGOs.

How has 9/11 and George W. Bush's self-declared 'war' on terror changed American government and US foreign policy? This is the central question addressed in the nine original essays in this book. Following an introduction by the editors, in which they survey issues and debates raised by America's 'War' on Terrorism and its consequences for US government and politics, foreign policy, and for American foreign relations, the contributions to this volume_from British and American scholars_explain the implications of the post-9/11 mobilization and reconfiguration of US foreign and internal security policies. Issues addressed in the book include: the growth of presidential power, executive branch reconfiguration and the managerial presidency, the Bush doctrine of pre-emption, the changing role of the US in the international order, the impact of the 'war' on terrorism on the US military, intelligence failure and the changed role of US intelligence, renewed tension in US-European relations, and Bush's alliance with Tony Blair's government in the United Kingdom. Taken together, the essays represent an original and timely assessment of the domestic and international repercussions of George W. Bush's responses to the terrorist attacks September 11, 2001.

Reordering Iraq is the lynchpin of America's successful involvement in the Middle East. The challenge may be impossible. "The Future of Iraq" provides a primer on the history and political dynamics of this pivotal state divided by ethnic, religious, and political antagonisms, and provocatively argues that the least discussed future of Iraq might be the best: Managed partition.
Anderson and Stansfield incisively analyze the dilemmas of American policy. They suggest that even a significant American presence will not stabilize Iraq because it is an artificial state and its people have never shared a common identity. In addition the legacy of tyrannical rule and the primacy of political violence is eroded social bonds and entrenched tribal allegiances, fallow ground for democracy. They provide the basic information and the provocative analysis crucial to informed debate and decision.

The fall of Saddam Hussein's regime may have marked a watershed in Iraqi history, but to the majority of Iraq's eighteen governorates, the most dramatic challenges may lie ahead. With the formation of federal entities south of Kurdistan enabled from 2008, fundamental changes to Iraq's state structure can be expected over the coming decade. The parameters of this open-ended process are poorly understood in the West. There seems to be a widespread belief among commentators that the federalisation of Iraq will lead, more or less automatically, to the creation of three large regions based on Iraq's dominant ethno-religious communities, the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs and the Kurds. However, if the Iraqi constitution is adhered to, such an outcome is actually quite unlikely. According to the Iraqi charter, ethnicity has no role to play in the delineation of Iraq's federal map. Instead regions -- geographically defined by the conversion or amalgamation of existing governorates -- will form the building blocks of the new Iraq, as has already been exemplified in 2009 and again in early 2010 by attempts to create a separate federal region in Basra. This volume is the first to offer a comprehensive overview of regionalism as a political force in contemporary Iraq.