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The civil rights movement and immigration reform transformed
American politics in the mid-1960s. Demographic diversity and
identity politics raised the challenge of e pluribus unum anew, and
multiculturalism emerged as a new ideological response to this
dilemma. This book uses national public opinion data and public
opinion data from Los Angeles to compare ethnic differences in
patriotism and ethnic identity and ethnic differences in support
for multicultural norms and group-conscious policies. The authors
find evidence of strong patriotism among all groups and the classic
pattern of assimilation among the new wave of immigrants. They
argue that there is a consensus in rejecting harder forms of
multiculturalism that insist on group rights but also a widespread
acceptance of softer forms that are tolerant of cultural
differences and do not challenge norms, such as by insisting on the
primacy of English.
The 2008 presidential nominations were unprecedented in many ways.
Marking another step in the democratization of the selection
process and a surprising loss of control by party elites, the
contests in both parties were unusually competitive and the
outcomes belied the predictions of experts. This book offers a
fresh look at the role of parties, the constraints of campaign
finance, the status of front-runners, and the significance of
rules, race, and gender in the post-reform era. In this volume,
leading scholars assess the state of the process with original
research about money, scheduling, superdelegates, and the role of
race and gender in voting. Original analyses show how changes in
campaign finance and the scheduling of primaries and caucuses
helped determined the outcomes in both parties. Race, once thought
of as a handicap, proved an asset for the Obama campaign. 2008
marked another milestone in the democratization of the nominations
process with expanded participation by rank and file voters in
donating money, voting, and using the Internet. This timely book
provides a glimpse into the future of party nominations and
elections.
This original work explores the increasingly important phenomenon
of the formation of transnational identity. Considering the ongoing
relevance of the European Union, the contributors ask a series of
intriguing questions: Is a European identity possible? How are the
various types of European identity formed and maintained? How are
these identities linked to the process of European integration?
Examining the psychological, institutional, and political
mechanisms that encourage or impede identification with
transnational groups, the book considers these theoretical
questions in light of new evidence drawn from a rich body of
primary research, including field experiments, in-depth interviews
with elites, and public opinion surveys. Brought together for the
first time, social psychologists, sociologists, political
scientists, and ethnographers share their theoretical and
methodological perspectives in tackling the common issues
surrounding the emergence of "European" as a political identity.
Paying special attention to the role of the institutions of the EU,
the authors investigate the impact of neo-functionalist strategies
and find that the processes of identity formation are far more
complicated than can be explained by material and institutional
factors alone. The authors engage in a fruitful dialogue about how
much a European identity exists and how much it matters as they
delve into the sources of disagreement and their implications.
American politics is most notably characterized by the heated
debates on constitutional interpretation at the core of its
ever-raging culture wars, and the coverage of these lingering
disputes are often inundated with public-opinion polls. Yet for all
their prominence in contemporary society, there has never been an
all-inclusive, systematic study of public opinion and how it
impacts the courts and electoral politics.
Public Opinion and Constitutional Controversy is the first book to
provide a comprehensive analysis of American public opinion on the
key constitutional controversies of the twentieth century,
including desegregation, school prayer, abortion, the death
penalty, affirmative action, gay rights, assisted suicide, and
national security, to name just a few. With essays focusing on each
issue in-depth, Nathaniel Persily, Jack Citrin, Patrick Egan, and
an established group of scholars utilize cutting edge
public-opinion data to illustrate these contemporary debates,
methodically examining each one and how public attitudes have
shifted over time, especially in the wake of prominent Supreme
Court decisions. More than just a compilation of available data,
however, these essays join the "popular constitutionalism" debate
between those who advocate a dominant role for courts in
constitutional adjudication and those who prefer a more pluralized
constitutional discourse. Each essay also vividly details the gap
between the public and the Supreme Court on these hotly contested
issues and analyzes how and why this divergence of opinion has
grown or shrunk over the last fifty years.
Ultimately, Public Opinion and Constitutional Controversy sheds
light on a major yet understudiedpart of American politics,
providing an incisive look at the crucial part played by the voice
of the people on the issues that have become an indelible part of
the modern-day political landscape.
American politics is most notably characterized by the heated
debates on constitutional interpretation at the core of its
ever-raging culture wars, and the coverage of these lingering
disputes are often inundated with public-opinion polls. Yet for all
their prominence in contemporary society, there has never been an
all-inclusive, systematic study of public opinion and how it
impacts the courts and electoral politics.
Public Opinion and Constitutional Controversy is the first book to
provide a comprehensive analysis of American public opinion on the
key constitutional controversies of the twentieth century,
including desegregation, school prayer, abortion, the death
penalty, affirmative action, gay rights, assisted suicide, and
national security, to name just a few. With essays focusing on each
issue in-depth, Nathaniel Persily, Jack Citrin, Patrick Egan, and
an established group of scholars utilize cutting edge
public-opinion data to illustrate these contemporary debates,
methodically examining each one and how public attitudes have
shifted over time, especially in the wake of prominent Supreme
Court decisions. More than just a compilation of available data,
however, these essays join the "popular constitutionalism" debate
between those who advocate a dominant role for courts in
constitutional adjudication and those who prefer a more pluralized
constitutional discourse. Each essay also vividly details the gap
between the public and the Supreme Court on these hotly contested
issues and analyzes how and why this divergence of opinion has
grown or shrunk over the last fifty years.
Ultimately, Public Opinion and Constitutional Controversy sheds
light on a major yet understudiedpart of American politics,
providing an incisive look at the crucial part played by the voice
of the people on the issues that have become an indelible part of
the modern-day political landscape.
The civil rights movement and immigration reform transformed
American politics in the mid-1960s. Demographic diversity and
identity politics raised the challenge of e pluribus unum anew, and
multiculturalism emerged as a new ideological response to this
dilemma. This book uses national public opinion data and public
opinion data from Los Angeles to compare ethnic differences in
patriotism and ethnic identity and ethnic differences in support
for multicultural norms and group-conscious policies. The authors
find evidence of strong patriotism among all groups and the classic
pattern of assimilation among the new wave of immigrants. They
argue that there is a consensus in rejecting harder forms of
multiculturalism that insist on group rights but also a widespread
acceptance of softer forms that are tolerant of cultural
differences and do not challenge norms, such as by insisting on the
primacy of English.
In Spring 1983 the Los Angeles Times set out to produce is own
"State of the State" report, five years after the passage of the
notorious and widely imitated Proportion 13. Price Waterhouse and
the Times poll conducted an immense survey of both the public and
private sector. A team of eighteen specialist reports looked into
every area of public service: police and fire protection, roads and
public works, parks, public health, libraries, schools, and more.
The results, published in a nine0part series in June 1983, remain
by far the most up-to-date synthesis of what, for better and worse,
the 1970s tax revolt has achieved. The original Time reports is
here supplemented by an introductory essay placing hte California
revolt in national context, comparing it with later, parallel
actions in other states, notably Massachusetts, and placing all
these actions in illuminating historical perspective. A detailed
statistical abstract completes the volume. This title is part of UC
Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of
California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest
minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist
dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed
scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology.
This title was originally published in 1984.
In Spring 1983 the Los Angeles Times set out to produce is own
"State of the State" report, five years after the passage of the
notorious and widely imitated Proportion 13. Price Waterhouse and
the Times poll conducted an immense survey of both the public and
private sector. A team of eighteen specialist reports looked into
every area of public service: police and fire protection, roads and
public works, parks, public health, libraries, schools, and more.
The results, published in a nine0part series in June 1983, remain
by far the most up-to-date synthesis of what, for better and worse,
the 1970s tax revolt has achieved. The original Time reports is
here supplemented by an introductory essay placing hte California
revolt in national context, comparing it with later, parallel
actions in other states, notably Massachusetts, and placing all
these actions in illuminating historical perspective. A detailed
statistical abstract completes the volume. This title is part
of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University
of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the
brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on
a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality,
peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using
print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in
1984.
A tax revolt almost as momentous as the Boston Tea Party erupted in
California in 1978. Its reverberations are still being felt, yet no
one is quite sure what general lessons can be drawn from observing
its course. This book is an in-depth study of this most recent and
notable taxpayers' rebellion: Howard Jarvis and Proposition 13, the
Gann measure of 1979, and Proposition 9 (Jarvis II) of 1980. The
people of California, speaking directly through referenda,
redirected their state from an intense and expensive concern for
the welfare of its citizens to a far more circumspect role. The
sequence involved cutting property taxes, limiting tax growth, and
then rejecting a state income tax cut. Why did Californians vote to
lower some taxes and not others? How fundamental is the American
disposition toward tax revolt? Will it happen again? The authors
consider a variety of partial answers: the self-interest of certain
groups, the apathy of others, the role of party affiliation, the
specter of symbolic racism, the meaning of mass mood surges. The
interplay between class politics and symbolic protest embodied in
the California Tax Revolt has since spread to other states-for
example, Proposition 21/2 in Massachusetts, which lowered property
taxes-and has reached the federal level. President Reagan, with
Republican and conservative Democrat support, has enacted major
spending cuts and long-range tax relief. The new revolutionary
strand in the fabric of the American political culture appears to
be strong.
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