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Showing 1 - 9 of 9 matches in All Departments
The civil rights movement and immigration reform transformed American politics in the mid-1960s. Demographic diversity and identity politics raised the challenge of e pluribus unum anew, and multiculturalism emerged as a new ideological response to this dilemma. This book uses national public opinion data and public opinion data from Los Angeles to compare ethnic differences in patriotism and ethnic identity and ethnic differences in support for multicultural norms and group-conscious policies. The authors find evidence of strong patriotism among all groups and the classic pattern of assimilation among the new wave of immigrants. They argue that there is a consensus in rejecting harder forms of multiculturalism that insist on group rights but also a widespread acceptance of softer forms that are tolerant of cultural differences and do not challenge norms, such as by insisting on the primacy of English.
The 2008 presidential nominations were unprecedented in many ways. Marking another step in the democratization of the selection process and a surprising loss of control by party elites, the contests in both parties were unusually competitive and the outcomes belied the predictions of experts. This book offers a fresh look at the role of parties, the constraints of campaign finance, the status of front-runners, and the significance of rules, race, and gender in the post-reform era. In this volume, leading scholars assess the state of the process with original research about money, scheduling, superdelegates, and the role of race and gender in voting. Original analyses show how changes in campaign finance and the scheduling of primaries and caucuses helped determined the outcomes in both parties. Race, once thought of as a handicap, proved an asset for the Obama campaign. 2008 marked another milestone in the democratization of the nominations process with expanded participation by rank and file voters in donating money, voting, and using the Internet. This timely book provides a glimpse into the future of party nominations and elections.
This original work explores the increasingly important phenomenon of the formation of transnational identity. Considering the ongoing relevance of the European Union, the contributors ask a series of intriguing questions: Is a European identity possible? How are the various types of European identity formed and maintained? How are these identities linked to the process of European integration? Examining the psychological, institutional, and political mechanisms that encourage or impede identification with transnational groups, the book considers these theoretical questions in light of new evidence drawn from a rich body of primary research, including field experiments, in-depth interviews with elites, and public opinion surveys. Brought together for the first time, social psychologists, sociologists, political scientists, and ethnographers share their theoretical and methodological perspectives in tackling the common issues surrounding the emergence of "European" as a political identity. Paying special attention to the role of the institutions of the EU, the authors investigate the impact of neo-functionalist strategies and find that the processes of identity formation are far more complicated than can be explained by material and institutional factors alone. The authors engage in a fruitful dialogue about how much a European identity exists and how much it matters as they delve into the sources of disagreement and their implications.
American politics is most notably characterized by the heated
debates on constitutional interpretation at the core of its
ever-raging culture wars, and the coverage of these lingering
disputes are often inundated with public-opinion polls. Yet for all
their prominence in contemporary society, there has never been an
all-inclusive, systematic study of public opinion and how it
impacts the courts and electoral politics.
The civil rights movement and immigration reform transformed American politics in the mid-1960s. Demographic diversity and identity politics raised the challenge of e pluribus unum anew, and multiculturalism emerged as a new ideological response to this dilemma. This book uses national public opinion data and public opinion data from Los Angeles to compare ethnic differences in patriotism and ethnic identity and ethnic differences in support for multicultural norms and group-conscious policies. The authors find evidence of strong patriotism among all groups and the classic pattern of assimilation among the new wave of immigrants. They argue that there is a consensus in rejecting harder forms of multiculturalism that insist on group rights but also a widespread acceptance of softer forms that are tolerant of cultural differences and do not challenge norms, such as by insisting on the primacy of English.
American politics is most notably characterized by the heated
debates on constitutional interpretation at the core of its
ever-raging culture wars, and the coverage of these lingering
disputes are often inundated with public-opinion polls. Yet for all
their prominence in contemporary society, there has never been an
all-inclusive, systematic study of public opinion and how it
impacts the courts and electoral politics.
In Spring 1983 the Los Angeles Times set out to produce is own "State of the State" report, five years after the passage of the notorious and widely imitated Proportion 13. Price Waterhouse and the Times poll conducted an immense survey of both the public and private sector. A team of eighteen specialist reports looked into every area of public service: police and fire protection, roads and public works, parks, public health, libraries, schools, and more. The results, published in a nine0part series in June 1983, remain by far the most up-to-date synthesis of what, for better and worse, the 1970s tax revolt has achieved. The original Time reports is here supplemented by an introductory essay placing hte California revolt in national context, comparing it with later, parallel actions in other states, notably Massachusetts, and placing all these actions in illuminating historical perspective. A detailed statistical abstract completes the volume. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1984.
In Spring 1983 the Los Angeles Times set out to produce is own "State of the State" report, five years after the passage of the notorious and widely imitated Proportion 13. Price Waterhouse and the Times poll conducted an immense survey of both the public and private sector. A team of eighteen specialist reports looked into every area of public service: police and fire protection, roads and public works, parks, public health, libraries, schools, and more. The results, published in a nine0part series in June 1983, remain by far the most up-to-date synthesis of what, for better and worse, the 1970s tax revolt has achieved. The original Time reports is here supplemented by an introductory essay placing hte California revolt in national context, comparing it with later, parallel actions in other states, notably Massachusetts, and placing all these actions in illuminating historical perspective. A detailed statistical abstract completes the volume. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1984.
A tax revolt almost as momentous as the Boston Tea Party erupted in California in 1978. Its reverberations are still being felt, yet no one is quite sure what general lessons can be drawn from observing its course. This book is an in-depth study of this most recent and notable taxpayers' rebellion: Howard Jarvis and Proposition 13, the Gann measure of 1979, and Proposition 9 (Jarvis II) of 1980. The people of California, speaking directly through referenda, redirected their state from an intense and expensive concern for the welfare of its citizens to a far more circumspect role. The sequence involved cutting property taxes, limiting tax growth, and then rejecting a state income tax cut. Why did Californians vote to lower some taxes and not others? How fundamental is the American disposition toward tax revolt? Will it happen again? The authors consider a variety of partial answers: the self-interest of certain groups, the apathy of others, the role of party affiliation, the specter of symbolic racism, the meaning of mass mood surges. The interplay between class politics and symbolic protest embodied in the California Tax Revolt has since spread to other states-for example, Proposition 21/2 in Massachusetts, which lowered property taxes-and has reached the federal level. President Reagan, with Republican and conservative Democrat support, has enacted major spending cuts and long-range tax relief. The new revolutionary strand in the fabric of the American political culture appears to be strong.
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