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A #1 New York Times Bestseller! "I read it cover-to-cover. I did not intend to, but I started at the beginning and didn’t put it down until it was over."—Rachel Maddow, MSNBC This book almost didn’t see the light of day as government officials tried to bar its publication. The Inside Story of the Real President Trump, by His Former Attorney and Personal Advisor—The Man Who Helped Get Him Into the Oval Office Once Donald Trump’s fiercest surrogate, closest confidant, and staunchest defender, Michael Cohen knows where the skeletons are buried. This is the most devastating business and political horror story of the century. As Trump’s lawyer and “fixer,†Cohen not only witnessed firsthand but was also an active participant in the inner workings of Trump’s business empire, political campaign, and presidential administration. This is a story that you have not read in newspapers, or on social media, or watched on television. These are accounts that only someone who worked for Trump around the clock for over a decade—not a few months or even a couple of years—could know. Cohen describes Trump’s racist rants against President Barack Obama, Nelson Mandela, and Black and Hispanic people in general, as well as the cruelty, humiliation, and abuse he leveled at family and staff. Whether he’s exposing the fact that Trump engaged in tax fraud by inflating his wealth or electronic fraud by rigging an online survey, or outing Trump’s Neanderthal views towards women or his hush-money payments to clandestine lovers, Cohen pulls no punches. He shows Trump’s relentless willingness to lie, exaggerate, mislead, or manipulate. Trump emerges as a man without a soul—a man who courts evangelicals and then trashes them, panders to the common man, but then rips off small business owners, a con man who will do or say absolutely anything to win, regardless of the cost to his family, his associates, or his country. At the heart of Disloyal, we see how Cohen came under the spell of his charismatic "Boss" and, as a result, lost all sense of his moral compass. The real "real" Donald Trump who permeates these pages—the racist, sexist, homophobic, lying, cheating President—will be discussed, written about, and analyzed for years to come.
The period covered by this book witnessed a significant change in Allied strategy for the Middle East. Its focus switched from Egypt to the states of the so-called northern tier of the Middle East: Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan. This book reveals the extent to which the UK clung on to great-power pretensions and used bluff, even deception, in order to give the impression that it disposed of greater military resources than was in fact the case. It describes not only Anglo-American tensions in the Middle East, but also the Americans' reluctance to take over Britain's former hegemony in the region. Finally, it reveals the extent to which the Allies' relationship with Israel was a constant restraint upon their freedom of action in the area, and their ability to forge military alliances with Arab states.
This book examines the causes of the economic and political crisis in Argentina in 2001 and the process of strong economic recovery. It poses the question of how a country which defaulted on its external loans and was widely criticized by international observers could have succeeded in its growth and development despite this decision in 2002. It examines this process in terms of the impact of neo-liberal policies on the economy and the role of development strategy and the state in recovering from the crisis
This book evaluates the impact of 20 years of urban policies in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Mexico. It argues that evaluating the fulfillment of past commitments is essential for framing and meeting the new commitments that were taken in Habitat III over the next 20 years. Taken as a whole, the book provides a critical assessment of the economic, social and environmental consequences of urban interventions during Habitat II. The country-level chapters have been written by recognized experts in urban issues, with first-hand knowledge of the Habitat process, and deep familiarity with the problems, statistics, actors and political contexts of their nations. The latter part of the volume considers wider topics such as the Habitat Commitment Index, the New Urban Agenda and the regional and global-scale lessons that can be extracted from this group of countries. Urban Policy in Latin America will be of interest to advanced students, researchers and policymakers across development economics, urban studies and Latin American studies.
This collection of specially commissioned essays provides the first social history of masculinity in the 'long eighteenth century'. Drawing on diaries, court records and prescriptive literature, it explores the different identities of late Stuart and Georgian men. The heterosexual fop, the homosexual, the polite gentleman, the blackguard, the man of religion, the reader of erotica and the violent aggressor are each examined here, and in the process a new and increasingly important field of historical enquiry is opened up to the non-specialist reader. The book opens with a substantial introduction by the Editors. This provides readers with a detailed context for the chapters which follow. The core of the book is divided into four main parts looking at sociability, virtue and friendship, violence, and sexuality. Within this framework each chapter forms a self-contained unit, with its own methodology, sources and argument. The chapters address issues such as the correlations between masculinity and Protestantism; masculinity, Englishness and taciturnity; and the impact of changing representations of homosexual desire on the social organisation of heterosexuality. Misogyny, James Boswell's self-presentation, the literary and metaphorical representation of the body, the roles of gossip and violence in men's lives, are each addressed in individual chapters. The volume is concluded by a wide-ranging synoptic essay by John Tosh, which sets a new agenda for the history of masculinity. An extensive guide to further reading is also provided. Designed for students, academics and the general reader alike, this collection of essays provides a wide-ranging and accessible framework within which to understand eighteenth-century men. Because of the variety of approaches and conclusions it contains, and because this is the first attempt to bring together a comprehensive set of writings on the social history of eighteenth-century masculinity, this volume does something quite new. It de-centres and problematises the male 'standard' and explores the complex and disparate masculinites enacted by the men of this period. This will be essential reading for anyone interested in eighteenth-century British social history.
First published in 1998. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
When the 2008 housing market bubble burst in the United States, a financial crisis rippled from the epi-center in the United States across borders into economies both near and far, causing persistent social and economic detriment in many countries. The Global Economic Crisis in Latin America: Impacts and Responses is an examination of the impacts and responses in the diverse Latin American region through the lens of three countries: Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina.
The fashioning of English gentlemen in the eighteenth century was
modelled on French practices of sociability and conversation.
Michele Cohen shows how at the same time, the English constructed
their cultural relations with the French as relations of seduction
and desire. She argues that this produced anxiety on the part of
the English over the effect of French practices on English
masculinity and the virtue of English women.
When the 2008 housing market bubble burst in the United States, a financial crisis rippled from the epi-center in the United States across borders into economies both near and far, causing persistent social and economic detriment in many countries. The Global Economic Crisis in Latin America: Impacts and Responses is an examination of the impacts and responses in the diverse Latin American region through the lens of three countries: Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina.
Gifted with a mind that continues to impress the elders in his village, Ichmad Hamid struggles with the knowledge that he can do nothing to save his friends and family. Living on Occupied land, his entire village operates in constant fear of losing their homes, jobs and belongings. But more importantly, they fear losing each other. On Ichmad's twelfth birthday, that fear becomes reality. With his father imprisoned, his family's home and possessions confiscated, and his siblings quickly succumbing to hatred in the face of conflict. Ichmad begins an inspiring journey using his intellect to save his poor and dying family. In doing so he reclaims a love for others that was lost through a childhood rife with violence, and discovers a new hope for the future.
This book evaluates the impact of 20 years of urban policies in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Mexico. It argues that evaluating the fulfillment of past commitments is essential for framing and meeting the new commitments that were taken in Habitat III over the next 20 years. Taken as a whole, the book provides a critical assessment of the economic, social and environmental consequences of urban interventions during Habitat II. The country-level chapters have been written by recognized experts in urban issues, with first-hand knowledge of the Habitat process, and deep familiarity with the problems, statistics, actors and political contexts of their nations. The latter part of the volume considers wider topics such as the Habitat Commitment Index, the New Urban Agenda and the regional and global-scale lessons that can be extracted from this group of countries. Urban Policy in Latin America will be of interest to advanced students, researchers and policymakers across development economics, urban studies and Latin American studies.
This collection of specially commissioned essays provides the first social history of masculinity in the 'long eighteenth century'. Drawing on diaries, court records and prescriptive literature, it explores the different identities of late Stuart and Georgian men. The heterosexual fop, the homosexual, the polite gentleman, the blackguard, the man of religion, the reader of erotica and the violent aggressor are each examined here, and in the process a new and increasingly important field of historical enquiry is opened up to the non-specialist reader. The book opens with a substantial introduction by the Editors. This provides readers with a detailed context for the chapters which follow. The core of the book is divided into four main parts looking at sociability, virtue and friendship, violence, and sexuality. Within this framework each chapter forms a self-contained unit, with its own methodology, sources and argument. The chapters address issues such as the correlations between masculinity and Protestantism; masculinity, Englishness and taciturnity; and the impact of changing representations of homosexual desire on the social organisation of heterosexuality. Misogyny, James Boswell's self-presentation, the literary and metaphorical representation of the body, the roles of gossip and violence in men's lives, are each addressed in individual chapters. The volume is concluded by a wide-ranging synoptic essay by John Tosh, which sets a new agenda for the history of masculinity. An extensive guide to further reading is also provided. Designed for students, academics and the general reader alike, this collection of essays provides a wide-ranging and accessible framework within which to understand eighteenth-century men. Because of the variety of approaches and conclusions it contains, and because this is the first attempt to bring together a comprehensive set of writings on the social history of eighteenth-century masculinity, this volume does something quite new. It de-centres and problematises the male 'standard' and explores the complex and disparate masculinites enacted by the men of this period. This will be essential reading for anyone interested in eighteenth-century British social history.
Britain emerged from World War II dependent both economically and militarily upon the US. Egypt formed the hub of Britain's imperial interests in the Middle East. However, Britain's inability to maintain a large garrison in the region was clear to the indigenous peoples. In the Arab world itself, the old conservative elites had no solutions for the economic and social distress of the masses, which had been aggravated by the privations of war. These elites were now threatened by a new, Westernised middle stratum, the effendiyya, and tried the risky tactic of diverting the masses' frustration towards the British. This often backfired and even brought down the ancien regime in Egypt. The first Arab-Israeli War in 1948 was also a traumatic event for the region, with the Arab ruling elites' standing further damaged by their unexpected humiliation at the hands of the Israelis.
"Fashioning Masculinity" is a comparison of Anglo-French relations in the eighteenth century, themes of gender, nationality, identity and masculinity with perceptions of today. The fashioning of English gentlemen in the eighteenth century was modelled on French practices. At the same time, however, the French and their language were disparaged. Michele Cohen show how cultural relations between the two states were constructed as relations of seduction and desire. There was anxiety on the part of the English over the effect of French practices on English masculinity and the virtue of English women. By the end of the century representing the French as an effeminate Other was integral to the forging of English, masculine, national identity. Taciturnity became emblematic of the English gentleman's depth of mind and masculinity. Sprightly conversation and speaking foreign languages was seen as representing the shallow and inferior intellect of English women, and of the French of both sexes.
This book examines the causes of the economic and political crisis in Argentina in 2001 and the process of strong economic recovery. It poses the question of how a country which defaulted on its external loans and was widely criticized by international observers could have succeeded in its growth and development despite this decision in 2002. It examines this process in terms of the impact of neo-liberal policies on the economy and the role of development strategy and the state in recovering from the crisis
The period covered by this book, 1954-60, witnessed a significant change in Allied strategy for the Middle East. Its focus switched from Egypt to the states of the so-called northern tier of the Middle East: Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan. Allied planning focused now on holding up a future Soviet offensive against the Middle East at the strategic passes that cut through the Zagros mountains, across the Iraqi-Iranian border. This was to be done with the indigenous ground forces of the northern tier states, complemented by Allied strategic and tactical nuclear bombing. In 1955, the Baghdad Pact became the political expression of the new strategy. The economic and strategic interests of the West in the Middle East provide the context for the tumultuous events of this period: the Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of 1954 for the evacuation of Egypt; the formation of the Baghdad Pact in 1955; the Suez Crisis which, together with the escalating Arab-Israeli conflict, erupted into open war in November 1956; and finally, the crises that rocked the Middle East in July 1958: the fall of the Hashemite dynasty and the ancien regime in Iraq, and the British and American military interventio in Jordan a
Britain emerged from World War II dependent both economically and militarily upon the US. Egypt formed the hub of Britain's imperial interests in the Middle East. However, Britain's inability to maintain a large garrison in the region was clear to the indigenous peoples. In the Arab world itself, the old conservative elites had no solutions for the economic and social distress of the masses, which had been aggravated by the privations of war. These elites were now threatened by a new, Westernised middle stratum, the effendiyya, and tried the risky tactic of diverting the masses' frustration towards the British. This often backfired and even brought down the ancien regime in Egypt. The first Arab-Israeli War in 1948 was also a traumatic event for the region, with the Arab ruling elites' standing further damaged by their unexpected humiliation at the hands of the Israelis.
1968 was a year of turmoil. Economic anxiety was on the rise; racial conflicts were increasingly aggressive as the Black Power movement gained visibility; LBJ's massive bombing campaign had escalated the war in Vietnam; and at home, an emerging counter-culture and vocal feminist movement were declaring war on traditional values. With the assassinations of Martin Luther King, Jr. in April and Robert F. Kennedy in June, the nation teetered on the brink of chaos. It all culminated in the dramatic presidential race that year, which brought together a dynamic group of politicians vying for the nation's confidence-and resulted in an election that palpably and irrevocably transformed American politics. In Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division, Michael Cohen captures the drama of the events leading up to this watershed moment. The political consensus that existed just four years prior had completely disappeared, replaced by division and acrimony on a scale rarely before seen in the country's history. Despite the impressive array of political talent assembled in the presidential election-Johnson, Nixon, Kennedy, Hubert Humphrey, Eugene McCarthy, Nelson Rockefeller, George Romney, Ronald Reagan and George Wallace-the candidates struggled to appeal to a nation deeply divided by race, class, and values. Cohen traces the new tactics, rhetoric, and issues that emerged in the campaign, from Nixon's so-called Southern Strategy to win over Democrats to Wallace's third-party run, which caused deep divisions among conservatives and traditional Republicans. Ultimately, Cohen proves 1968 to be a hinge between the high-water period of 1960s political liberalism to the ascendancy of conservative populism and anti-government attitudes that continue to dominate the nation's political discourse. The political battles in Washington today are being waged on a battlefield constructed in 1968, and in unraveling the complex story of that year, Cohen sketches out the broad lines of American politics over the past four decades.
The Whole Story Of Continental Writing In The Vernacular Tongues From The Days Of The Great Epics And Romances Of Chivalry To The Middle Of The Present Century.
Solomon Schechter (1847--1915), the charismatic leader of New York's Jewish Theological Seminary (JTS), came to America in 1902 intent on revitalizing traditional Judaism. While he advocated a return to traditional practices, Schechter articulated no clear position on divisive issues, instead preferring to focus on similarities that could unite American Jewry under a broad message. Michael R. Cohen demonstrates how Schechter, unable to implement his vision on his own, turned to his disciples, rabbinical students and alumni of JTS, to shape his movement. By midcentury, Conservative Judaism had become the largest American Jewish grouping in the United States, guided by Schechter's disciples and their continuing efforts to embrace diversity while eschewing divisive debates. Yet Conservative Judaism's fluid boundaries also proved problematic for the movement, frustrating many rabbis who wanted a single platform to define their beliefs. Cohen demonstrates how a legacy of tension between diversity and boundaries now lies at the heart of Conservative Judaism's modern struggle for relevance. His analysis explicates four key claims: that Conservative Judaism's clergy, not its laity or Seminary, created and shaped the movement; that diversity was -- and still is -- a crucial component of the success and failure of new American religions; that the Conservative movement's contemporary struggle for self-definition is tied to its origins; and that the porous boundaries between Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform Judaism reflect the complexity of the American Jewish landscape -- a fact that Schechter and his disciples keenly understood. Rectifying misconceptions in previous accounts of Conservative Judaism's emergence, Cohen's study enables a fresh encounter with a unique religious phenomenon.
Our faces play essential roles in defining us as individuals. They
are the most immediately identifiable parts of our bodies. We use
our faces to communicate emotions and to interact socially.
Sometimes, despite our intentions, our faces reveal our thoughts
even when we do not speak. In several medical conditions, the
facial aspect confirms diagnosis, and while surgical alteration of
craniofacial anomalies can do much to normalize appearance,
patients are always confronted with the question of what is normal,
and with the fact that beauty itself may be nothing more than a
culturally determined concept. |
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