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a ~Scientific advice to politicsa (TM), the a ~nature of expertisea
(TM), and the a ~relation between experts, policy makers, and the
publica (TM) are variations of a topic that currently attracts the
attention of social scientists, philosophers of science as well as
practitioners in the public sphere and the media. This renewed
interest in a persistent theme is initiated by the call for a
democratization of expertise that has become the order of the day
in the legitimation of research funding. The new significance of a
~participationa (TM) and a ~accountabilitya (TM) has motivated
scholars to take a new look at the science a" politics interface
and to probe questions such as "What is new in the arrangement of
scientific expertise and political decision-making?," "How can
reliable knowledge be made useful for politics and society at
large, and how can epistemically and ethically sound decisions be
achieved without losing democratic legitimacy?," "How can the
objective of democratization of expertise be achieved without
compromising the quality and reliability of knowledge?"
Scientific knowledge and the a ~expertsa (TM) that represent it
no longer command the unquestioned authority and public trust that
was once bestowed upon them, and yet, policy makers are more
dependent on them than ever before. This collection of essays
explores the relations between science and politics with the
instruments of the social studies of science, thereby providing new
insights into their re-alignment under a new rA(c)gime of
governance.
not lie in the conceptual distinctions but in the perceived
functions of metaphors and whether in the concrete case they are
judged positive or negative. The ongoing debates reflect these
concerns quite clearly~ namely that metaphors are judged on the
basis of supposed dangers they pose and opportunities they offer.
These are the criteria of evaluation that are obviously dependent
on the context in which the transfer of meaning occurs. Our
fundamental concern is indeed the transfer itself~ its prospects
and its limits. Looking at possible functions of metaphors is one
approach to under standing and elucidating sentiments about them.
The papers in this volume illustrate, by quite different examples,
three basic functions of metaphors: illustrative, heuristic~ and
constitutive. These functions rep resent different degrees of
transfer of meaning. Metaphors are illustrative when they are used
primarily as a literary device, to increase the power of conviction
of an argument, for example. Although the difference between the
illustrative and the heuristic function of metaphors is not great,
it does exist: metaphors are used for heuristic purposes whenever
"differences" of meaning are employed to open new perspectives and
to gain new insights. In the case of "constitutive" metaphors they
function to actually replace previous meanings by new ones. Sabine
Maasen in her paper introduces the distinction between transfer and
transforma tion.
When the socialist regime in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) was
overthrown around the end of the eighties, beginning of the
nineties, an overall transforma tion of whole societies started.
Not only the political and the economic systems of these countries,
but all societal sectors underwent deep changes. These changes
presented opportunities, but they also spelled trouble. On one
hand, getting rid of stifling political control and excessive
bureaucratic regulation was something which most members of these
societies desired. On the other, it be came apparent very soon that
the necessary and long hoped-for rebuilding of the economy,
education, health care, the mass media, and science, too, was
strongly restricted by the scarcity of financial resources. After a
short period, during which opportunities were energetically taken
up in a spirit of hope, came a long and still lasting time of
growing troubles and despondency. Only in a few of the CEE
countries have some glimpses of hope become visible recently; and
it re mains to be seen whether these signals are reliable. Until
now, therefore, the transformation dynamics of all societal sectors
in all of the CEE countries have primarily been troublesome. This
is surely true for the post-socialist research systems. I The
demise of the communist party's abso lute rule over society has
allowed researchers the public expression and the pur suit of goals
whose common denominator has been a greater self-regulation of
scientific research according to its own criteria and logic."
The extensive interaction between science/technology and the
military has become increasingly apparent in the years since the
Second World War. New institutional arrangements, new fields of
study and research, new patterns of funding and support, new
relations with industry, the academy and the state, and new
professional roles have marked the sciences and technology; the
military transformations have been equally important: new weapons
systems of great complexity, new strategies and practices, new
reliance on high technologies and advanced sciences, and extensive
involvement in the funding of science and technology in the
'civilian' sector. While the literature in the social studies of
science and technology has from time to time addressed these issues
(especially from the historical perspective), the attention paid to
the very extensive interactions and concommitant transformations
has not been commensurate with the magnitude of the enterprise or
changes undergone. These volumes contribute both reports of new
research and stimulating additional study.Volume 12/1 contains Part
I: War and the restructuring of physics, and Part II: The military
and technological development.Volume 12/2 contains Part III:
Transformation of industry and medicine, Part IV: Nuclear weapons
and nuclear power, and Part V: R&D: military, industry and the
academy.
The interrelations of science and technology as an object of study
seem to have drawn the attention of a number of disciplines: the
history of both science and technology, sociology, economics and
economic history, and even the philosophy of science. The question
that comes to mind is whether the phenomenon itself is new or if
advances in the disciplines involved account for this novel
interest, or, in fact, if both are intercon nected. When the
editors set out to plan this volume, their more or less explicit
conviction was that the relationship of science and technology did
reveal a new configuration and that the disciplines concerned with
1tS analysis failed at least in part to deal with the change
because of conceptual and methodological preconceptions. To say
this does not imply a verdict on the insufficiency of one and the
superiority of any other one disciplinary approach. Rather, the
situation is much more complex. In economics, for example, the
interest in the relationship between science and technology is
deeply influenced by the theoretical problem of accounting for the
factors of economic growth. The primary concern is with technology
and the problem is whether the market induces technological
advances or whether they induce new demands that explain the
subsequent diffusion of new technologies. Science is generally
considered to be an exogenous factor not directly subject to market
forces and, therefore, appears to be of no interest."
Edward Gibbon's allegation at the beginning of his Essay on the
Study of Literature (1764) that the history of empires is that of
the miseries of humankind whereas the history of the sciences is
that of their splendour and happiness has for a long time been
accepted by professional scientists and by historians of science
alike. For its practitioner, the history of a discipline displayed
above all the always difficult but fmally rewarding approach to a
truth which was incorporated in the discipline in its actual fonn.
Looking back, it was only too easy to distinguish those who erred
and heretics in the field from the few forerunners of true science.
On the one hand, the traditional history of science was told as a
story of hero and hero worship, on the other hand it was,
paradoxically enough, the constant attempt to remind the scientist
whom he should better forget. It is not surprising at all therefore
that the traditional history of science was a field of only minor
interest for the practitioner of a distinct scientific diSCipline
or specialty and at the same time a hardly challenging task for the
professional historian. Nietzsche had already described the
historian of science as someone who arrives late after
harvest-time: it is somebody who is only a tolerated guest at the
thanksgiving dinner of the scientific community .
When the socialist regime in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) was
overthrown around the end of the eighties, beginning of the
nineties, an overall transforma tion of whole societies started.
Not only the political and the economic systems of these countries,
but all societal sectors underwent deep changes. These changes
presented opportunities, but they also spelled trouble. On one
hand, getting rid of stifling political control and excessive
bureaucratic regulation was something which most members of these
societies desired. On the other, it be came apparent very soon that
the necessary and long hoped-for rebuilding of the economy,
education, health care, the mass media, and science, too, was
strongly restricted by the scarcity of financial resources. After a
short period, during which opportunities were energetically taken
up in a spirit of hope, came a long and still lasting time of
growing troubles and despondency. Only in a few of the CEE
countries have some glimpses of hope become visible recently; and
it re mains to be seen whether these signals are reliable. Until
now, therefore, the transformation dynamics of all societal sectors
in all of the CEE countries have primarily been troublesome. This
is surely true for the post-socialist research systems. I The
demise of the communist party's abso lute rule over society has
allowed researchers the public expression and the pur suit of goals
whose common denominator has been a greater self-regulation of
scientific research according to its own criteria and logic."
The extensive interaction between science/technology and the
military has become increasingly apparent in the years since the
Second World War. New institutional arrangements, new fields of
study and research, new patterns of funding and support, new
relations with industry, the academy and the state, and new
professional roles have marked the sciences and technology; the
military transformations have been equally important: new weapons
systems of great complexity, new strategies and practices, new
reliance on high technologies and advanced sciences, and extensive
involvement in the funding of science and technology in the
'civilian' sector. While the literature in the social studies of
science and technology has from time to time addressed these issues
(especially from the historical perspective), the attention paid to
the very extensive interactions and concommitant transformations
has not been commensurate with the magnitude of the enterprise or
changes undergone. These volumes contribute both reports of new
research and stimulating additional study.Volume 12/1 contains Part
I: War and the restructuring of physics, and Part II: The military
and technological development.Volume 12/2 contains Part III:
Transformation of industry and medicine, Part IV: Nuclear weapons
and nuclear power, and Part V: R&D: military, industry and the
academy.
not lie in the conceptual distinctions but in the perceived
functions of metaphors and whether in the concrete case they are
judged positive or negative. The ongoing debates reflect these
concerns quite clearly~ namely that metaphors are judged on the
basis of supposed dangers they pose and opportunities they offer.
These are the criteria of evaluation that are obviously dependent
on the context in which the transfer of meaning occurs. Our
fundamental concern is indeed the transfer itself~ its prospects
and its limits. Looking at possible functions of metaphors is one
approach to under standing and elucidating sentiments about them.
The papers in this volume illustrate, by quite different examples,
three basic functions of metaphors: illustrative, heuristic~ and
constitutive. These functions rep resent different degrees of
transfer of meaning. Metaphors are illustrative when they are used
primarily as a literary device, to increase the power of conviction
of an argument, for example. Although the difference between the
illustrative and the heuristic function of metaphors is not great,
it does exist: metaphors are used for heuristic purposes whenever
"differences" of meaning are employed to open new perspectives and
to gain new insights. In the case of "constitutive" metaphors they
function to actually replace previous meanings by new ones. Sabine
Maasen in her paper introduces the distinction between transfer and
transforma tion.
Edward Gibbon's allegation at the beginning of his Essay on the
Study of Literature (1764) that the history of empires is that of
the miseries of humankind whereas the history of the sciences is
that of their splendour and happiness has for a long time been
accepted by professional scientists and by historians of science
alike. For its practitioner, the history of a discipline displayed
above all the always difficult but fmally rewarding approach to a
truth which was incorporated in the discipline in its actual fonn.
Looking back, it was only too easy to distinguish those who erred
and heretics in the field from the few forerunners of true science.
On the one hand, the traditional history of science was told as a
story of hero and hero worship, on the other hand it was,
paradoxically enough, the constant attempt to remind the scientist
whom he should better forget. It is not surprising at all therefore
that the traditional history of science was a field of only minor
interest for the practitioner of a distinct scientific diSCipline
or specialty and at the same time a hardly challenging task for the
professional historian. Nietzsche had already described the
historian of science as someone who arrives late after
harvest-time: it is somebody who is only a tolerated guest at the
thanksgiving dinner of the scientific community .
The interrelations of science and technology as an object of study
seem to have drawn the attention of a number of disciplines: the
history of both science and technology, sociology, economics and
economic history, and even the philosophy of science. The question
that comes to mind is whether the phenomenon itself is new or if
advances in the disciplines involved account for this novel
interest, or, in fact, if both are intercon nected. When the
editors set out to plan this volume, their more or less explicit
conviction was that the relationship of science and technology did
reveal a new configuration and that the disciplines concerned with
1tS analysis failed at least in part to deal with the change
because of conceptual and methodological preconceptions. To say
this does not imply a verdict on the insufficiency of one and the
superiority of any other one disciplinary approach. Rather, the
situation is much more complex. In economics, for example, the
interest in the relationship between science and technology is
deeply influenced by the theoretical problem of accounting for the
factors of economic growth. The primary concern is with technology
and the problem is whether the market induces technological
advances or whether they induce new demands that explain the
subsequent diffusion of new technologies. Science is generally
considered to be an exogenous factor not directly subject to market
forces and, therefore, appears to be of no interest."
'Scientific advice to politics', the 'nature of expertise', and the
'relation between experts, policy makers, and the public' are
variations of a topic that currently attracts the attention of
social scientists, philosophers of science as well as practitioners
in the public sphere and the media. This renewed interest in a
persistent theme is initiated by the call for a democratization of
expertise that has become the order of the day in the legitimation
of research funding. The new significance of 'participation' and
'accountability' has motivated scholars to take a new look at the
science - politics interface and to probe questions such as "What
is new in the arrangement of scientific expertise and political
decision-making?", "How can reliable knowledge be made useful for
politics and society at large, and how can epistemically and
ethically sound decisions be achieved without losing democratic
legitimacy?", "How can the objective of democratization of
expertise be achieved without compromising the quality and
reliability of knowledge?" Scientific knowledge and the 'experts'
that represent it no longer command the unquestioned authority and
public trust that was once bestowed upon them, and yet, policy
makers are more dependent on them than ever before. This collection
of essays explores the relations between science and politics with
the instruments of the social studies of science, thereby providing
new insights into their re-alignment under a new regime of
governance.
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