How do you figure out what to do in a job? How do you get it done? How should you deal with demanding bosses? How can you get the most out of subordinates? What should you do to get along with difficult colleagues and handle powerful interest groups and the media? Just how can you succeed in a world where persuasion rather than direct command is the rule? Using a compass as his operating metaphor--your boss is north of you, your staff is south, colleagues are east and so on--Richard Haass provides clear, practical guidelines for setting goals and translating goals into results. The result is a lively, useful book for the tens of millions of Americans working in complex and unruly organizations of every sort and for students of both public administration and business. The Bureaucratic Entrepreneur is a new and updated edition of Haass's 1994 book, The Power to Persuade.

Americans and Europeans are divided by more than an ocean when it comes to designing and carrying out policies toward countries that repress human rights, develop weapons of mass destruction, and/or support terrorism and subversion. Accounting for this divide are distinct interests, domestic politics, and above all profound disagreements between Americans and their counterparts in European capitals and Brussels over what tools of foreign policy--sanctions, engagement, military force--to empty to change the behavior of problem countries. The result is that Americans and Europeans often work at cross purposes--and that disagreements over policy toward problem countries threaten both to undermine efforts that promote desired change and transatlantic cooperation in other areas, be it within Europe or in building an open world trading system. This book examines the "problem" countries of Cuba, Iran, Iraq, Libya, and Nigeria. The authors explain sources of American and European differences, consequences for policies designed to influence problem states, and prospects for bridging transatlantic policy rifts. A conclusion by Richard N. Haass places these differences in perspective and suggests what Europe and the United States need to do to ameliorate this tension--and what could transpire if they do not.

"War of Necessity, War of Choice"--part history, part memoir--provides invaluable insight into some of the most important recent events in the world. It also provides a much needed compass for how the United States can apply the lessons learned from the two Iraq wars so that it is better positioned to put into practice what worked and to avoid repeating what so clearly did not. Indeed, in a new preface to this paperback edition, Haass argues that Afghanistan has become a war of choice. "Doing more militarily may not result in lasting improvements in the security situation that are commensurate with the costs."

This new edition of the Carnegie Endowment bestseller selected by Choice as ""an outstanding academic book of 1995"" now also discusses the interventions in Haiti and Bosnia, the 1998 crisis (and earlier skirmishes) with Iraq, and the decision to not intervene to halt apparent genocide in Central Africa.In the core original study, which draws upon twelve cases including Somalia, Lebanon, Panama, Grenada, and the Gulf War Richard Haass suggests political and military guidelines for potential U.S. military interventions ranging from peacekeeping and humanitarian operations to preventive strikes and all-out warfare.

The statement " Sanctions don't work" is an often-heard refrain. The reality, though, is more complex. Sanctions--mostly economic but also political and military penalties aimed at states or other entities to alter political and/or military behavior--almost always have consequences; sometimes desirable, at other times unwanted and unexpected. What cannot be disputed, though, is that economic sanctions are fast becoming the policy tool of choice for the United States in the post-Cold War world. Indeed, economic sanctions are increasingly at the center of American foreign policy as a policy tool to resolve several issues: to stem the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, promote human rights, discourage aggression, protect the environment, or thwart drug trafficking. Drawing heavily on eight case studies--Iraq, Iran, the former Yugoslavia, Haiti, Pakistan, China, Libya, and Cuba--this book presents lessons to be learned from recent American use of economic sanctions. It also provides specific guidelines designed to shape future decisions by Congress and the executive branch.

The next U.S. president will need to pursue a new strategic framework for advancing American interests in the Middle East. The mounting challenges include sectarian conflict in Iraq, Iran's pursuit of nuclear capabilities, failing Palestinian and Lebanese governments, a dormant peace process, and the ongoing war against terror. Compounding these challenges is a growing hostility toward U.S. involvement in the Middle East. The old policy paradigms, whether President George W. Bush's model of regime change and democratization or President Bill Clinton's model of peacemaking and containment, will no longer suit the likely circumstances confronting the next administration in the Middle East. In R "estoring the Balance, " experts from the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution and from the Council on Foreign Relations propose a new, nonpartisan strategy drawing on the lessons of past failures to address both the short-term and long-term challenges to U.S. interests. Following an overview chapter by Richard N. Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, and Martin Indyk, director of the Saban Center, individual chapters address the Arab-Israeli conflict, counterterrorism, Iran, Iraq, political and economic development, and nuclear proliferation. Specific policy recommendations stem from in-depth research and extensive dialogue with individuals in government, media, academia, and the private sector throughout the region. The experts include Stephen Biddle, Isobel Coleman, Steven A. Cook, Steven Simon, and Ray Takeyh from the Council on Foreign Relations and Daniel L. Byman, Suzanne Maloney, Kenneth M. Pollack, Bruce Riedel, ShibleyTelhami, and Tamara Cofman Wittes from Brookings' Saban Center.