Using a variety of methodological approaches, this timely book offers a thorough examination of the impact and implications of religious fundamentalism in developing nations. The authors explore why and how adherence to fundamentalist principles affects the social, political, and religious development of such countries as Israel, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Egypt, and the Philippines. One of the most significant contributions of this volume is that it challenges the assumption that fundamentalism in developing countries is based solely on religious motivations.

The authors maintain that fundamentalism of this sort is motivated by both religious and political convictions. This combination of religious and political motivations allows fundamentalism to exert a tremendous influence on the public policies of these developing nations. As the social fabric of such countries continues to be developed, it is clear that fundamentalism will continue to play a significant and potentially dangerous role.

There is a growing tendency in all of the developing countries to see the right to employment, education, and other basic rights as adjuncts to basic political rights. Also, in many African countries there have been movements for expansive rights that should include children's rights and women's rights in addition to the basic civil and political rights. Most current sources have selectively taken into consideration the work of politically oriented groups. This volume includes the status and work of human rights groups in Africa currently working to uphold both the basic as well as the expansive rights.

One possible way of resolving the conflict between relativism and universalism is to project commonalities of norms and values through examinations of many advocacy groups in Africa that highlight the plight of refugees, women, and children as well as civil and political rights. This dictionary lists the current advocacy groups working in Africa to uphold and protect both the basic political rights and the expansive rights of previously unacknowledged segments of the population from governmental infringements. Advocacy groups are listed A to Z with additional resource information following each entry. This book will be a useful reference to students and scholars of African history, Third World Studies, International Human Rights, and Political Science, and Academic libraries.

Today new and ever more pernicious forms of terrorist violence threaten the world. Because these new forms of violence are so often linked to religious radicalism, modern terrorism has challenged the secular ethics of contemporary civil society. There is a pressing need to understand modern religious movements that have added militancy and belligerence as fundamental elements of religious practice. Contributors to this volume painstakingly tackle the question of how to define the contours of current religious fundamentalism as they examine the private and public postures of fundamentalist rhetoric, the importance of its regional variants, and the damage it can do to regional and national education systems. Their analysis tracks trends in religious movements that aspire to radicalize, reform, and violently topple governments and nations, while highlighting the difference between fundamentalist interpretations and other longstanding juridical, political, and intellectual traditions.

This edited collection of essays answers a basic question posed by contemporary discourse on state building: How might people's identification with a particular ethnic group matter? Essays in this book use an integrated, multi-disciplinary approach to understanding regional and local community culture and socio-political development in developing countries-especially in Sub-Saharan Africa-to argue that the state, as well as civil society, confers on cultural differences a legitimacy that can be achieved in no other way but by positive cooperation. Contributors from different countries look at local patterns in state building and modernization as they have unfolded over the course of the last fifty years. They claim that the people and ethnic groups in most developing countries adhere to a concept of popular sovereignty that testifies that aspects of positive and moral ethnicity can contribute to social change as in China, economic development as in India, or in a democratization process as in Rwanda and Burundi. The eventual methodological assumption made by these essays presumes that ethnic conflicts in such countries as Cyprus, Turkey, India, and Rwanda have no moral sanction; ethnicity has not assumed a political ideology. One conclusion reached by the contributors is that some form of accommodation between opposing ethnically diversified groups, as well as between state and ethnic elements, is feasible.