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Co-published with the Society for Economic Anthropology, this work
explores the social, political and economic contexts and
consequences of economic interaction beyond the local systems.
Because the focus of economic analysis is often local, particularly
in anthropology, this book specifically aims analysis beyond the
local system of economic interaction.
Drawing on two decades of ethnographic research in Sulawesi,
Indonesia, Tania Murray Li offers an intimate account of the
emergence of capitalist relations among indigenous highlanders who
privatized their common land to plant a boom crop, cacao. Spurred
by the hope of ending their poverty and isolation, some prospered,
while others lost their land and struggled to sustain their
families. Yet the winners and losers in this transition were not
strangers--they were kin and neighbors. Li's richly peopled account
takes the reader into the highlanders' world, exploring the
dilemmas they faced as sharp inequalities emerged among them.
The book challenges complacent, modernization narratives promoted
by development agencies that assume inefficient farmers who lose
out in the shift to high-value export crops can find jobs
elsewhere. Decades of uneven and often jobless growth in Indonesia
meant that for newly landless highlanders, land's end was a dead
end. The book also has implications for social movement activists,
who seldom attend to instances where enclosure is initiated by
farmers rather than coerced by the state or agribusiness
corporations. Li's attention to the historical, cultural, and
ecological dimensions of this conjuncture demonstrates the power of
the ethnographic method and its relevance to theory and practice
today.
The Will to Improve is a remarkable account of development in
action. Focusing on attempts to improve landscapes and livelihoods
in Indonesia, Tania Murray Li carefully exposes the practices that
enable experts to diagnose problems and devise interventions, and
the agency of people whose conduct is targeted for reform. Deftly
integrating theory, ethnography, and history, she illuminates the
work of colonial officials and missionaries; specialists in
agriculture, hygiene, and credit; and political activists with
their own schemes for guiding villagers toward better ways of life.
She examines donor-funded initiatives that seek to integrate
conservation with development through the participation of
communities, and a one-billion-dollar program designed by the World
Bank to optimize the social capital of villagers, inculcate new
habits of competition and choice, and remake society from the
bottom up. Demonstrating that the will to improve has a long and
troubled history, Li identifies enduring continuities from the
colonial period to the present. She explores the tools experts have
used to set the conditions for reform--tools that combine the
reshaping of desires with applications of force. Attending in
detail to the highlands of Sulawesi, she shows how a series of
interventions entangled with one another and tracks their results,
ranging from wealth to famine, from compliance to political
mobilization, and from new solidarities to oppositional identities
and violent attack. The Will to Improve is an engaging
read--conceptually innovative, empirically rich, and alive with the
actions and reflections of the targets of improvement, people with
their own critical analyses of theproblems that beset them.
In Plantation Life Tania Murray Li and Pujo Semedi examine the
structure and governance of Indonesia's contemporary oil palm
plantations in Indonesia, which supply 50 percent of the world's
palm oil. They attend to the exploitative nature of plantation
life, wherein villagers' well-being is sacrificed in the name of
economic development. While plantations are often plagued by ruined
ecologies, injury among workers, and a devastating loss of
livelihoods for former landholders, small-scale independent farmers
produce palm oil more efficiently and with far less damage to life
and land. Li and Semedi theorize "corporate occupation" to
underscore how massive forms of capitalist production and control
over the palm oil industry replicate colonial-style relations that
undermine citizenship. In so doing, they question the assumption
that corporations are necessary for rural development, contending
that the dominance of plantations stems from a political system
that privileges corporations.
Drawing on two decades of ethnographic research in Sulawesi,
Indonesia, Tania Murray Li offers an intimate account of the
emergence of capitalist relations among indigenous highlanders who
privatized their common land to plant a boom crop, cacao. Spurred
by the hope of ending their poverty and isolation, some prospered,
while others lost their land and struggled to sustain their
families. Yet the winners and losers in this transition were not
strangers--they were kin and neighbors. Li's richly peopled account
takes the reader into the highlanders' world, exploring the
dilemmas they faced as sharp inequalities emerged among them.
The book challenges complacent, modernization narratives promoted
by development agencies that assume inefficient farmers who lose
out in the shift to high-value export crops can find jobs
elsewhere. Decades of uneven and often jobless growth in Indonesia
meant that for newly landless highlanders, land's end was a dead
end. The book also has implications for social movement activists,
who seldom attend to instances where enclosure is initiated by
farmers rather than coerced by the state or agribusiness
corporations. Li's attention to the historical, cultural, and
ecological dimensions of this conjuncture demonstrates the power of
the ethnographic method and its relevance to theory and practice
today.
In Plantation Life Tania Murray Li and Pujo Semedi examine the
structure and governance of Indonesia's contemporary oil palm
plantations in Indonesia, which supply 50 percent of the world's
palm oil. They attend to the exploitative nature of plantation
life, wherein villagers' well-being is sacrificed in the name of
economic development. While plantations are often plagued by ruined
ecologies, injury among workers, and a devastating loss of
livelihoods for former landholders, small-scale independent farmers
produce palm oil more efficiently and with far less damage to life
and land. Li and Semedi theorize "corporate occupation" to
underscore how massive forms of capitalist production and control
over the palm oil industry replicate colonial-style relations that
undermine citizenship. In so doing, they question the assumption
that corporations are necessary for rural development, contending
that the dominance of plantations stems from a political system
that privileges corporations.
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