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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Other warfare & defence issues > Arms negotiation & control
Steven Hurst traces the development of the Iranian nuclear weapon
crisis across its historical context: from the conception of Iran's
nuclear programme under the Shah in 1957 to the signing of the
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015. Emphasising the
centrality of domestic politics in decision-making on both sides,
Hurst adopts a broader perspective on the Iranian nuclear programme
and explains the continued failure of the USA to halt it. He
reveals how President Obama's alterations to the American strategy,
accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought
about a resolution.
The Small Arms Survey 2008 presents two thematic sections. The
first examines the problem of diversion in all its aspects:
stockpiles, surplus disposal, international transfers, and end-user
documentation. It includes a case study on South Africa and a comic
strip illustrating the potential ease by which someone with access
to forged documentation can make arrangements to ship munitions
virtually anywhere. The second thematic section analyses the public
health approach to armed violence, scrutinizing risk and resilience
factors and considering related interventions. It includes an
overview of the burden of armed violence, and two case studies of
armed violence in El Salvador and the United States. A chapter on
light weapons production rounds out the volume.
There is an increasing focus on the need for national
implementation of treaties. International law has traditionally
left enforcement to the individual parties, but more and more
treaties contain arrangements to induce States to comply with their
commitments. Experts in this book examine three forms of such
mechanisms: dispute settlement procedures in the form of
international courts, non-compliance procedures of an
administrative character, and enforcement of obligation by coercive
means. Three fields are examined, namely human rights,
international environmental law, and arms control and disarmament.
These areas are in the forefront of the development of current
international law and deal with multilateral, rather than purely
bilateral issues. The three parts of the book on human rights,
international environmental law and arms control contain a general
introduction and case studies of the most relevant treaties in the
field. Will appeal widely to both generalists and specialists in
international law and relations.
With sweeping changes in the Soviet Union and East Europe having
shaken core assumptions of U.S. defense policy, it is time to
reassess basic questions of American nuclear strategy and force
requirements. In a comprehensive analysis of these issues, Charles
Glaser argues that even before the recent easing of tension with
the Soviet Union, the United States should have revised its nuclear
strategy, rejecting deterrent threats that require the ability to
destroy Soviet nuclear forces and forgoing entirely efforts to
limit damage if all-out nuclear war occurs. Changes in the Soviet
Union, suggests Glaser, may be best viewed as creating an
opportunity to make revisions that are more than twenty years
overdue. Glaser's provocative work is organized in three parts.
"The Questions behind the Questions" evaluates the basic factual
and theoretical disputes that underlie disagreements about U.S.
nuclear weapons policy. "Alternative Nuclear Worlds" compares
"mutual assured destruction capabilities" (MAD)--a world in which
both superpowers' societies are highly vulnerable to nuclear
retaliation--to the basic alternatives: mutual perfect defenses,
U.S. superiority, and nuclear disarmament. Would any basic
alternatives be preferable to MAD? Drawing on the earlier sections
of the book, "Decisions in MAD" addresses key choices facing
American decision makers. Originally published in 1990. The
Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology
to again make available previously out-of-print books from the
distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These
editions preserve the original texts of these important books while
presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The
goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access
to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books
published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Called "a pioneer work of the first importance" by Staughton Lynd,
this book traces the history of pacifism in America from colonial
times to the start of World War I. The author describes how the
immigrant peace sects-Quaker, Mennonite, and Dunker -faced the
challenges of a hostile environment. The peace societies that
sprang up after 1815 form the subject of the next section, with
particular attention focused upon the American Peace Society and
Garrison's New England Non-Resistance Society. A series of chapters
on the reactions of these sects and societies to the Civil War, the
neglect of pacifism in the postwar period, and the beginnings of a
renewal in the years before the outbreak of war in Europe bring the
book to a close. The emphasis on the institutional aspects of the
movement is balanced throughout by a rich mine of accounts about
the experiences of individual pacifists. Originally published in
1968. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand
technology to again make available previously out-of-print books
from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press.
These editions preserve the original texts of these important books
while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions.
The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase
access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of
books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in
1905.
Why and how do countries buy the armaments and defence equipment they do buy? The first volume of this study, published in 1998, examined in detail the processes that lie behind arms procurement decisions in six arms-recipient countries: China, India, Israel, Japan, South Korea, and Thailand. This second volume contains similar case studies based on extensive original research by experts from the national academic and defence communities in six more countries. It considers in particular whether arms procurement can become more responsive to the broader objectives of security and public accountability.
In this book, Jeffrey Knopf investigates domestic sources of state
preferences about whether to seek cooperation with other countries
on security issues. He does so by examining whether public protest
against nuclear weapons influenced US decisions to enter strategic
arms talks. The analysis builds on the domestic structure approach
to explaining foreign policy, using it as the starting point to
develop a new framework with which to trace the influence of
societal actors. The book's finding that protest had a major impact
suggests that prevailing conceptions of the relation between
domestic politics and international cooperation need to be
broadened. Existing approaches typically assume that state
preferences are set by political leaders or powerful interests,
thereby treating the rest of society only as a constraint on state
action. In contrast, this book demonstrates that ordinary citizens
can also serve as a direct stimulus to the development of a state
interest in cooperation.
In 1960, President Kennedy warned of a dangerous future, rife with
nuclear-armed states and a widespread penchant for conflict by the
end of the century. Thankfully, his prediction failed to pass; in
fact, roughly three times as many countries have since opted to
give up their nuclear pursuit or relinquish existing weapons than
have maintained their arsenals. Nevertheless, clandestine
acquisition of nuclear materials and technology by states such as
Iraq, Syria, and Iran, and a nuclear North Korea, has reaffirmed
the need for United States' commitment to pursuing aggressive
counterproliferation strategies, particularly with rogue states.
This book looks at the experiences of countries that ventured down
the path of nuclear proliferation but were stopped short, and
examines how the international community bargains with
proliferators to encourage nuclear reversal. It asks why so many
states have relented to pressure to abandon their nuclear weapons
programs, and which counterproliferation policies have been
successful. Rupal N. Mehta argues that the international community
can persuade countries to reverse their weapons programs with
rewards and sanctions especially when the threat to use military
force remains "on the table". Specifically, nuclear reversal is
most likely when states are threatened with sanctions and offered
face-saving rewards that help them withstand domestic political
opposition. Historically, the United States has relied on a variety
of policy levers-including economic and civilian nuclear assistance
and, sometimes, security guarantees, as well as economic
sanctions-to achieve nuclear reversal. Underlying these
negotiations is the possibility of military intervention, which
incentivizes states to accept the agreement (often spearheaded by
the United States) and end their nuclear pursuit. The book draws on
interviews with current and former policymakers, as well as
in-depth case studies of India, Iran, and North Korea, to provide
policy recommendations on how best to manage nuclear proliferation
challenges from rogue states. It also outlines the proliferation
horizon, or the set of state and non-state actors that are likely
to have interest in acquiring nuclear technology for civilian,
military, or unknown purposes. The book concludes with implications
and recommendations for U.S. and global nuclear
counterproliferation policy.
The intelligence community's flawed assessment of Iraq's weapons
systems -- and the Bush administration's decision to go to war in
part based on those assessments -- illustrates the political and
policy challenges of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. In this comprehensive assessment, defense policy
specialists Jason Ellis and Geoffrey Kiefer find disturbing trends
in both the collection and analysis of intelligence and in its use
in the development and implementation of security policy.
Analyzing a broad range of recent case studies -- Pakistan's
development of nuclear weapons, North Korea's defiance of U.N.
watchdogs, Russia's transfer of nuclear and missile technology to
Iran and China's to Pakistan, the Soviet biological warfare
program, weapons inspections in Iraq, and others -- the authors
find that intelligence collection and analysis relating to WMD
proliferation are becoming more difficult, that policy toward rogue
states and regional allies requires difficult tradeoffs, and that
using military action to fight nuclear proliferation presents
intractable operational challenges.
Ellis and Kiefer reveal that decisions to use -- or overlook --
intelligence are often made for starkly political reasons. They
document the Bush administration's policy shift from
nonproliferation, which emphasizes diplomatic tools such as
sanctions and demarches, to counterproliferation, which at times
employs interventionist and preemptive actions. They conclude with
cogent recommendations for intelligence services and policy
makers.
The nuclear age is coming to the Middle East. Understanding the
scope and motivations for this development and its implications for
global security is essential. The last decade has witnessed an
explosion of popular and scholarly attention focussed on nuclear
issues around the globe and especially in the Middle East. These
studies fall into one of four general categories. They tend to
focus either on the security and military aspects of nuclear
weapons, or on the sources and mechanisms for proliferation and
means of reversing it, or nuclear energy, or the logics driving
state policymakers toward adopting the nuclear option. The Nuclear
Question in the Middle East is the first book of its kind to
combine thematic and theoretical discussions regarding nuclear
weapons and nuclear energy with case studies from across the
region. What are the key domestic drivers of nuclear behaviour and
decision-making in the Middle East? How are the states of the Gulf
Cooperation Council seeking to employ nuclear energy to further
guarantee and expedite their hyper-growth of recent decades? Are
there ideal models emerging in this regard that others might
emulate in the foreseeable future, and, if so, what consequences is
this development likely to have for other civilian nuclear
aspirants? These region-wide themes form the backdrop against which
specific case studies are examined.
Although there is often opposition to individual wars, most people
continue to believe that the arms industry is necessary in some
form: to safeguard our security, provide jobs and stimulate the
economy. Not only conservatives, but many progressives and
liberals, support it for these reasons. Indefensible puts forward a
devastating challenge to this conventional wisdom, which has
normalised the existence of the most savage weapons of mass
destruction ever known. It is the essential handbook for those who
want to debunk the arguments of the industry and its supporters:
deploying case studies, statistics and irrefutable evidence to
demonstrate they are fundamentally flawed, both factually and
logically. Far from protecting us, the book shows how the arms
trade undermines our security by fanning the flames of war,
terrorism and global instability. In countering these myths, the
book points to ways in which we can combat the arms trade's
malignant influence, reclaim our democracies and reshape our
economies.
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