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Books > Law > International law > General
This book is concerned with the social legitimacy of internal market law. What does social legitimacy entail within the multi-level 'embedded liberalism' construction of the internal market? How can the objectives of the internal market that focus on economic rights and a commitment to social diversity both be pursued without one necessarily trumping the other? These questions continue to challenge the very core of European integration. How can the diversity of Member States' 'social systems' and the varying normative infrastructure of their economies be sustainably accommodated within the internal market? This book seeks to contribute to these questions by discussing what has come to be known as the argument from transnational effects and the development of an adjudicative model for the European Court of Justice that can be termed 'socially responsive'. Drawing on the historical insights of Karl Polanyi it argues that the internal market can only be held to be socially legitimate where it supports the requirement for further market integration while still responding to social practices and values within the member states. The book presents in-depth studies of the case law of the Court in the areas of EU free movement, competition and state aid law. In so doing, this important new study aims to provide the language and tools for assessing social legitimacy in the internal market.
National Security of India and International Law is a pioneering inter-disciplinary scholarly exercise in the context of India. It offers first-of-its kind perspective on interplay between the needs, concerns and interests of the national security actors, means and institutions and inherent limitations and prospects of international law to achieve the national security objectives of India. The work analyses traditional and contemporary issues and challenges - water, natural resources, refugee management, use of force, nuclear doctrine, space developments, defense procurement and manufacturing and private players, among others. It aims to generate inter-disciplinary debate, teaching and research in this emerging field of national security.
In this provocative new book, Shritha Vasudevan argues that feminist international relations (IR) theory has inadvertently resulted in a biased worldview, the very opposite of what feminist IR set out to try to rectify. This book contests theoretical presumptions of Western feminist IR and attempts to reformulate it in contexts of non-Western cultures. Vasudevan deftly utilizes the theoretical constructs of IR to explore the ramifications for India. This hypothesis argues that the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has predictive validity and is not a top-down norm but derived from the material and contingent experiences of nation states. This book enters the debate between feminist qualitative and quantitative IR through the lens of gender-based violence (GBV) under the CEDAW.
This book puts forward a new theoretical concept of the juridical act, this concept is not described from the perspective of a specific national legal system, but instead represents the commonalities and ideas that stem from the Western legal tradition. Since the concept is system-independent, it does not rely on national or state laws. The book begins by detailing those characteristics that distinguish juridical acts from the general group of acts. It offers clear distinctions between the different aspects of juridical acts, such as the power and the competence needed in order to perform the act, the fact that juridical acts are constitutive speech acts, and the rules that connect the act with its consequences. In the process, the book dispels much of the haziness currently surrounding juridical acts. Developed with a mix of theory and practice, this new concept is better equipped to deal with modern trends and practices. Further, since the author has freed the idea of the juridical act from the bonds of history and geography, it is also more suited to facilitating a better understanding of and explaining changes in the legal landscape, such as the rise of computer technology. Accordingly, it offers scholars and practitioners alike a valuable new tool for explaining and theorizing about the law.
EU policy in the area of corporate governance and capital markets is being reoriented. Harmonization is less frequently seen as a concept in company law; regulatory competition is on the rise; and experiments in soft law are being carried out. Several Member States have recently reformed their corporate laws, wither as a reaction to financial scandals or in an effort to enhance investment. Convergence has increased as a result, particularly towards Anglo-American standards. Yet differences still exist, profoundly rooted in national systems of corporate governance. By contrast, capital markets law would seem to be an exception, having undergone intense harmonization in the last few years through the Lamfalussy regulatory architecture. Nonetheless, a European system of securities regulation is not yet in place. Regulation is predominantly domestic, while private laws affecting capital markets are still divergent. This volume examines the ongoing debate from an interdisciplinary perspective. Part 1 explores the political determinants of corporate governance and evaluates likely convergence and the role of regulatory competition. Part 2 considers the Markets in Financial Instruments Directive (MIFID) and its central role in harmonizing EU securities trading. Part 3 analyzes the MiFID more deeply and explores other measures including the Prospectus and Transparency Directives. Part 4 offers future perspectives on the post-FSAP era.
The Yearbook aims to promote research, studies and writings in the field of international law in Asia, as well as to provide an intellectual platform for the discussion and dissemination of Asian views and practices on contemporary international legal issues.
This book examines theoretical and practical issues concerning the relationship between international law, time and history. Problems relating to time and history are ever-present in the work of international lawyers, whether understood in terms of the role of historic practice in the doctrine of sources, the application of the principle of inter-temporal law in dispute settlement, or in gaining a coherent insight into the role that was played by international law in past events. But very little has been written about the various different ways in which international lawyers approach or understand the past, and it is with a view to exploring the dynamics of that engagement that this book has been compiled. In its broadest sense, it is possible to identify at least three different ways in which the relationship between international law and (its) history may be conceived. The first is that of a history of international law written in narrative form, and mapped out in terms of a teleology of origins, development, progress or renewal. The second is that of history in international law and of the role history plays in arguments about law itself (for example in the construction of customary international law). The third way of understanding that relationship is in terms of international law in history: of understanding how international law has been engaged in the creation of a history that in some senses stands outside the history of international law itself. The essays in this collection make clear that each type of engagement with history and international law interweaves various different types of historical narrative, pointing to the typically multi-layered nature of international lawyers' engagement with the past and its importance in shaping the present and future of international law. Originally published in hardcover
This work brings together a number of papers written by experts, mostly senior and active international civil servants, but also retired staff, analyzing the measures taken in international organizations in order to obtain greater accountability. Codes of conduct have been introduced, as well as more detailed measures of control. This has also required review of due process and dispute resolution provisions. The main objective of these codes of conduct is to foster appropriate behaviour of staff, but, ideally, these codes should also be instrumental in avoiding disputes, since staff knew more clearly what is expected of them. This book is a reflection of exchanges of views and information between administrative lawyers and, to some extent, investigators/prosecutors to ensure that the organizations become more transparent, corruption free and respective of the highest standards. Accountability and transparency have now become the rule, and increasingly also the practice. Much is still to be done, however. Discussions are ongoing in many organizations. This work's purpose is also to contribute to these discussions. In addition to the analytic and frank contributions, this work contains various documents of international organizations, reflecting the codes of conduct and charters of values now in place.
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In Political Theology and International Law, John D. Haskell offers an account of the intellectual debates surrounding the term 'political theology' in academic literature concerning international law. Beneath these differences is a shared tradition, or genre, within the literature that reinforces particular styles of characterising and engaging predicaments in global politics. The text develops an argument toward another way of thinking about what political theology might offer international law scholarship-a politics of truth.
For almost a decade the European Union has been stuck in a permanent crisis. Starting with domestic constitutional crises, followed by an imported financial crisis, it has evolved into a fully formed political crisis. This book argues that none of the crises are exclusively internal to the EU and the responses to date, which have taken inward looking approaches, are simply inadequate. Resolution can only come when the EU engages more fully with transnational law. This highly topical book offers an innovative dual focus on both transnational and EU law together. It sets out the relationship between the two frameworks by exploring practical concrete problems that transnational law has posed to the EU. These problems are explored from the perspective of four key tenets of both systems, namely the rule of law, democracy, the protection of human rights, and justice. It does this by advancing the theoretical framework of principled legal pluralism. In so doing it offers clear normative guidance as to how the relationship between EU and transnational law should be developed and fostered.
Any talk of the advancement of international law presupposes that two objections are met. The first is the 'realist' objection which, observing the state of international relations today, claims that when it comes down to the important things in international life-war and peace, and more generally power politics among states-no real advancement has been made: international society remains a society of sovereign states deciding matters with regard solely to their own best interests and with international law all too often being no more than a thin cloak cast over the precept that 'might is right'. Against this excessive scepticism stands excessive optimism: international law is supposedly making giant strides forward thanks especially to the tremendous mass of soft law generated by international organisations over the past sixty years and more. By incautiously mixing all manner of customs, treaties, resolutions and recommendations, a picture of international law is painted that has little to do with the 'real world'. This book is arranged into three sections. The first purports to show from the specific example of international investment law that the past half-century has seen the invention of two genuinely new techniques in positive law: state contracts and transnational arbitration without privity. This is 'advancement' in international law not because the techniques are 'good' in themselves (one may well think them 'bad') but because they have introduced legal possibilities into international law that did not exist heretofore. The second section examines the theoretical consequences of those new legal techniques and especially the way they affect the theory of the state. The third widens the field of view and asks whether European law has surpassed international law in a move towards federalism or whether it represents a step forward for international law. These reflections make for a clearer theoretical understanding of what constitutes true advancement in international law. Such an understanding should give pause both to those who argue that hardly any progress has been made, and to those who are overly fanciful about progress.
This book instructively introduces the reader to the basics of Jewish law. It gives a detailed, cutting-edge analysis of contemporary public and private law in the State of Israel, as well as Israel's legal culture, its system of government, and the roles of its democratic institutions: the executive, parliament, and judiciary. The book examines issues of Holocaust, law and religion, constitutionalization, and equality.
Violations of international law and human rights laws are the
plague of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. People's
inhumanity to people escalates as wars proliferate and respect for
human rights and the laws of war diminish. In Decoding
International Law: Semiotics and the Humanities, Professor Susan
Tiefenbrun analyzes international law as represented artfully in
the humanities.
This book presents the results of extensive international comparative research into the effects of the economic and financial crisis on democratic institutions and social cohesion policies. The collected studies describe and analyse the measures (often referred to as "reforms") adopted to counter the crisis and the effects of these measures.It investigates three areas: the impact on the functioning of institutions, with respect to the relationship between representative institutions and governments, and the organisational structure of administrations at national and local levels; the impact that the austerity policies on public spending have on social rights; and the impact on traditional instruments of public action (administrative simplification, public services delivering, the use of common assets).The general findings highlight the effect of reducing the administrative and government capacity of the democratic institutions: the public sector, rather than being innovative and made more effective, declines, offering increasingly poor public services and making bad decisions, fuelling substantive or formal privatisation solutions, which in turn cause further weakening. |
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