Moreland and Steed bring an overall analysis of presidential politics in the South together with a state-by-state analysis and updated data on the 1996 presidential elections in each southern state. The 1996 elections are placed within the context of recent party and electoral developments in the South, particularly as those relate to fundamental changes in the party system and the ascendancy of the Republican Party.

The South is a region undergoing significant partisan change, and that change has substantial implications for national politics. This volume analyzes the South's role in the 1996 presidential nomination process, issues as southerners saw them in 1996, and the role of third parties in the South. The volume also analyzes the results of the 1996 presidential election in each of the eleven states of the Old Confederacy. The 1996 elections are placed within the context of recent party and electoral developments in the South, particularly as those relate to fundamental changes in the party system and the ascendancy of the Republican Party.

This volume is unique in that there is no other analysis of the 1996 elections that has a southern regional focus. This is the fourth of a series of volumes on presidential elections in the South edited by Moreland and Steed, and together these studies constitute a valuable resource for those interested in Southern politics, presidential elections, and American political parties in general.

The politics of Unionism is central to the success or failure of any political settlement in Northern Ireland. The aim of this book is to place the politics of Unionism in its proper historical context and understand its dynamics with relation to its internal structures, including identity, ideology, social structures and political parties; and its external environment, including the policy of the British and Irish governments; its relationship with Irish Nationalists and Irish Nationalism and the wider influences on the peace process such as those of the US, South Africa, and civil society.

What happened to the usage of common sense in the decision making process? In "The Invisible Man" writer James Leonard Nobles offers some new perspectives on and insightful resolutions for the challenges confronting modern society in the 21st century. And he refuses to submit to the political correctness being forced upon us by the "Powerbrokers of Hypocrisy." Through persuasive arguments and satire, Mr. Nobles takes on the "Institutions" that have betrayed the American people. He says, ""The history that is written is not always the history that was, and the truth is often hidden beneath ideological propaganda."" With candor seldom shown today, Jim openly discusses the controversial issues tearing at the hearts and souls of most decent men and women. "The Invisible Man" examines the declining social values and the consequences of our choices. For we stand at the fork of fate. One path is the end and the other path is a new beginning. Choose wisely for there is no going back.

About the Author:
Author James Leonard Nobles is a new voice from a section of the population often forgotten by society. But he represents the majority of Americans who are fed up with their government, both political parties, irresponsible corporations, and the greed of a few. Born with congenital cataracts in 1960, he knows firsthand how difficult the struggles in life can be. After dropping out of college, Jim returned at the age of 40, where he became the first college graduate in his family. Graduating in August of 2005 with a B.S. in Communications and Information Technology ("New Media"), he has been working tirelessly on "The Invisible Man" for close to four years (first year writing; last three years editing and publishing).

The African National Congress (ANC) has established itself as Africa's most famous liberation movement. The year 2012 is an important year in the history of the African National Congress' organisational, political and ideological development and growth. It marks 100 years of the ANC's existence; a milestone that has prompted partisans to a century of unparalleled achievement in the struggle against colonialism and racial discrimination and the year of the 53rd National Conference in Mangaung.

It is, though, a liberation whose critics have painted a less-flattering portrait of the historical ANC, as a communist puppet, a moribund dinosaur, or an elitist political parasite. For such sceptics, the ANC -- now in government for two decades -- has betrayed South Africans rather than liberated them. The politics of the ANC, and those of the country it governs, are today tumultuous. South Africans endure deep inequality and unemployment, violent community protests, murders of foreign residents, major policy blunders, an AIDS crisis, and deepening corruption. Inside the ANC there are episodes of open rebellion against the leadership, conflicts over the character of a post-liberation movement, and debilitating battles for succession to the movement's presidency.

The Idea of the ANC explores how ANC intellectuals and leaders interpret the historical project of their movement. It investigates three interlocked ideas: a conception of power, a responsibility for promoting unity, and a commitment to human liberation. It explores how these notions have shaped South African politics in the past, and how they will inform ANC leaders' responses to the challenges of the future.

The internet is changing the way we interact and communicate. But how is it impacting on more historically traditional institutions like the British Conservative Party? This book examines the role of specific internet technologies like ConservativeHome, Facebook, Twitter and WebCameron in the organizational culture of the Tory Party 2005-14.

The UK is going through a period of unprecedented constitutional change. There is much unfinished business, and further changes still to come. Where are these changes taking us? In this book, leading political scientists and lawyers forecast the impact of these changes on the UK's key institutions and the constitution as a whole.

The Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats each allow their members to participate in the selection of the party leader. It also examines the consequences of all-member ballots in leadership elections. It looks at how parties remove leaders, showing that each of the major British parties sought to make it harder to evict incumbents.

The Nature of Party Government examines relationships between governments and supporting parties on a comparative European basis. The book does so at the level of principles: there is a major conflict between governments, which should govern and parties, which being representative, wish to shape the way governments operate. The book studies relationships empirically as well: it shows that they occur on three plans, appointments, policy-making and patronage and assesses the extent of two-way influences, from parties to governments and from governments to parties.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the British Labour Party was broadly supportive of Irish home rule. However, from the end of the First World War, Labour anticipated a place in government, and as a modern, maturing party in British politics, it developed a more calculated set of responses towards Ireland. With contributions from a range of distinguished Irish and British scholars, this collection of essays provides the first full treatment of the historical relationship between the Labour Party and Ireland in the last century, from Keir Hardie to Tony Blair. By widening the lens on Labour's responses to the 'Irish question' over an entire century, it offers an original perspective on longer-term dispositions in Labour mentalities towards Ireland and on the relationship between 'these islands'. It will prove essential reading for those with an interest in modern Irish and British history, Anglo-Irish relations, and the current Northern Ireland peace process. -- .

Between 1796 and 1800, Americans truly developed the forms of government that are recognized and continued today. This book examines the development of the two-party system, relationships between foreign and domestic affairs, and most importantly, the successes of the French Party in the light of the Quasi War, legal persecutions, and through Federalist popularity and bumbling. The leaders of the French Party were successful men committed to their vision of America's future. Even John Adams, a leading Federalist, successfully pursued his own course of action; his sacrifice stands as a remarkable example for political leaders today. Federalist leaders were, however, ultimately unable to harness previous success and to unite varied agendas to maintain their leadership in the new century. Although a majority decried party politics, in theory or in commentary, Americans failed and continue to fail at running a government in a bipartisan manner. Even Thomas Jefferson, a leading Republican, failed to escape the grasp of partisanship and the politics of opportunity. These developments would foreshadow current political practices and the use of foreign affairs to support domestic agendas. Bringing together personality, structure, and practical measures of nation building, this work proves that the more things change, the more they remain the same.

This book explains why the level of party presidentialization varies from one country to another. It considers the effects of constitutional structures as well as the party's original features, and argues that the degree of party presidentialization varies as a function of the party's genetics.

Few parties have undergone such comprehensive organizational change as the Labour Party since 1983. Labour's organization once institutionalized the political exchange between office-seeking politicians and the party's policy-seeking trade union paymasters. Using accessible rational choice models, Thomas Quinn explores how consecutive election defeats prompted party leaders to modernize this structure to regain voters' trust, reducing union influence in policymaking, parliamentary candidate selection and leadership contests. The price may be a centralized party vulnerable to membership exit and union funding cuts.

On September 30, 1965, six of Indonesia's highest ranking generals were killed in an effort by President Sukarno to crush an alleged coup. The events of that were part of a rapidly growing power struggle pro and anti-Communist factions. The elimination of the generals, however, did little to increase and preserve Sukarno's power, though, and he was stripped of the presidency in 1967. Hunt's work is a unique and original examination of the events that culminated on that night in September, 1965. It is the first detailed account of the Indonesian Coup that reveals the previously unknown workings of the PKI's ultra-secret Special Bureau, a clandestine organization within the Communist Party that may be the prototype of other similar entities that flourished around the world in the mid-50's and 60s. No such expose of secret communist organizations committed to covert killings of the top military or political leaders of the country has ever been published. She establishes beyond any doubt that the PKI, under Chairman Aidit's direction, using the capabilities of a secret organization within the PKI that only Aidit and a handful of trusted high-level members of the Communist Party even knew about, and, most importantly, acting with President Sukarno's full knowledge and approval, planned and then-dramatically-failed to execute a bold plan to kill the top leadership of the Army and proclaim a new socialist state under President Sukarno's leadership with PKI Chairman Aidit as his proclaimed successor. At the time of the coup, government analysts as well as non-government scholars were of two minds. Some, like the group at Cornell University, were convinced that the PKI (Indonesian CommunistParty) had not been involved, that the coup was the action mid-level army officers against the top leadership. That was the official line at the time. Others were convinced that the PKI alone had planned and executed the coup in its long-held desire to remove the pro-U.S. army leadership. No one at the time saw the hand of Indonesia's world-famous President Sukarno in the affair.

In "Peaceful Islamist Mobilization in the Muslim World: What Went Right, "Julie Chernov Hwang presents a compelling and innovative new theory and framework for examining for the variation in Islamist mobilization strategies in Muslim Asia and the Middle East. Based on extensive field research in Indonesia, Malaysia and Turkey, Hwang argues that states, through their policies, institutions, and capacities, can influence the mobilization strategies that Islamist groups choose, encouraging peaceful strategies, or sometimes, creating permissive conditions for violence. This book highlights the positive ways that states can influence Islamist group decision-making and answers the question--what went right?

Labour's 1997 victory was widely credited to the party's reinvention of itself as New Labour. This book argues that the transformation of the Labour Party is best understood as the product of Thatcherism, and marks the emergence of a new consensus in British politics. Despite Labour's claim to be re-applying traditional values, Tony Blair's politics owe more to neo liberalism than any traditional social democratic perspective. This wide ranging and controversial assessment of both Thatcherism and New Labour is used to illustrate a new theory as to how the process of political change takes place in practice.

A comparative survey which discusses how national leaders in six Western democracies, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States, are nominated for the highest office in their country. The combinations of methods each country utilizes to nominate their leaders are described. The text emphasizes that most national leaders have served a long apprenticeship in various public offices--sometimes having made several attempts--before actually being nominated to the nation's highest public office. Increasingly, the text shows that opinion polls, television, and professional campaign management are playing a greater role in the leadership selection process in all six countries. This book will be of interest to upper-level college and graduate students and faculty in comparative government, political parties, and public affairs and academic as well as public libraries.

This timely compilation of papers was originally presented at the 1987 Hofstra University Conference on the Nixon Presidency. Bringing together noted Nixon scholars, including Stephen Ambrose, Tom Wicker, and Hugh Sidey, and politicos such as Eliot Richardson, Maurice Stans, H.R. Haldeman, and Robert Finch, the editors have included essays primarily on domestic policies. A lively section on Nixon the man is followed by scholarly articles on all aspects of the domestic agenda. Notable contributions include David Caputo's analysis of revenue sharing and Michael Balzano's study of the adrift Democrats who emerged as Nixon's silent majority and ultimately as the Reagan coalition . . . . [A] worthy addition for specialized collections. Library Journal Thirteen years after Richard Nixon left office Hofstra University's sixth conference on the Modern American Presidency sets the stage for an exchange of views on Richard M. Nixon's presidency, his politics, and his administrative abilities. Leon Friedman and William F. Levantrosser bring together the papers and discussions presented at this conference by scholars, journalists, and Nixon administration officials in this first of a trilogy of volumes issuing from the conference. With the perspective of time, the commentary of leading administration figures such as H. R. Haldeman, Elliot Richardson, Maurice Stans, and Charles Colson takes on a special quality. Papers and discussions explore three major aspects of Richard Nixon: his capacity for greatness, his shortcomings, and his impact on today's youth; the scope and depth of his domestic policy; and his political acumen. Richard M. Nixon: Politician, President, Administrator records the interactions of scholars, journalists, and Nixon administration officials as they search for a better understanding of the Nixon phenomenon. Part I explores the man--his persona and his presidency. A special panel presents the reaction of today's youth to this segment of American history. Part II concentrates primarily on domestic policy. It uncovers the scope and depth of Nixon initiatives in revenue sharing, social welfare, civil rights, environment, and the economy. In Part III, papers and discussions on the silent majority, election campaigning, and the reorganization of the executive branch, disclose Richard Nixon's role in changing the face of American politics.

This book examines the EU policy of the German Social Democrats (SPD) after German unification, following their rise to power in 1998 and their record in office under Chancellor Schroeder. The study deals with policy formation in the SPD through an analysis of the opportunity structures for policy-making in the EU, Germany and the party itself. Across this time period, the SPD recalibrated its European policy to absorb the impact of German unification, deeper European integration and globalization, seeking to interpret a changing world.

The French elections of 2002 broke all records for fragmentation, abstention and far-right protest voting, yet returned incumbent President Chirac in triumph and gave him a solid basis of parliamentary support. Parties and the Party System in France seeks to explain the paradox of France's current relationship to politics through a comprehensive analysis of French political parties and their interaction over the last 50 years, set against the two contexts of French history and of contemporary theories of parties and party systems.

This collection of writings about political parties shows how nineteenth-century American and European authors assessed the changing roles of these newly prominent institutions. Their reactions ranged from outrage to grudging admiration — reactions which are not so different from those so often seen today. This reader makes accessible to modern readers a variety of classic texts, which still shape today’s views of partisan politics. This unique collection will be an important resource for students and scholars of both political science and history.

This major reference provides comprehensive coverage of the political parties and movements in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. Frank Tachau and a group of prestigious scholars and internationally acclaimed experts on the region's political history describe the formation, evolution, and impact of parties in each of the 19 countries that are surveyed, and they also discuss Palestinian and Kurdish political groups. Bibliographies accompany each chapter. The two appendixes are chronologies of important dates in the political developments in the various countries and in the region and information about the genealogies of parties where country histories are particularly complex. A general index and internal cross-references make the data about the parties easily accessible to the political scientists, historians, and Middle Eastern students, teachers, and professionals for whom the survey is designed.