The Party of Democratic Socialism is wrongly stigmatized as polarizing German politics on the left. In fact, Oswald argues, the PDS is East Germany's contribution to the regionalized pluralism of united Germany's party system. Although initially marginalized as the successor of East Germany's SED, the PDS legitimized itself by combining eastern regionalism, a left-socialist identity, and political ambition. The PDS has become an acceptable partner in center-left parties in eastern state governments, in stark contrast to its continuing irrelevance in West Germany. While its earlier exclusion was justified by portraying the PDS as crypto-communist, the integration strategies of the late 1990s were supported by modernization theorists recognizing the party's contribution to the integration of post-unification Germany.

An executive summary of the first decade of post-unification German politics, Oswald's book offers a precise interpretation of the learning processes within the PDS. It also provides a close analysis of the disputes within the PDS characterizing the party as a political subculture in which East Germans could come to terms with the ruptures of their history and their biographies while at the same time finding a role in the politics and society of united Germany.

Broken Heartlands is an essential and compelling political road-trip through ten constituencies that tell the story of Labour's red wall from Sebastian Payne - an award-winning journalist and Whitehall Editor for the Financial Times. The Times Political Book of the Year A Daily Telegraph, Guardian, Daily Mail and FT Book of the Year 'Immensely readable' - Observer Historically, the red wall formed the backbone of Labour's vote in the Midlands and the North of England but, during the 2019 general election, it dramatically turned Conservative for the first time in living memory, redrawing the electoral map in the process. Originally from the North East himself, Payne sets out to uncover the real story behind the red wall and what turned these seats blue. Beginning in Blyth Valley in the North East and ending in Burnley, with visits to constituencies across the Midlands and Yorkshire along the way, Payne gets to the heart of a key political story of our time that will have ramifications for years to come. While Brexit and the unpopularity of opposition leader Jeremy Corbyn are factors, there is a more nuanced story explored in Broken Heartlands - of how these northern communities have fared through generational shifts, struggling public services, de-industrialization and the changing nature of work. Featuring interviews with local people, plus major political figures from both parties - including Boris Johnson and Sir Keir Starmer - Payne explores the significant role these social and economic forces, decades in the making, have played in this fundamental upheaval of the British political landscape. 'Impressive and entertaining' - Sunday Times 'A must-read for anyone who wants to understand England today' - Robert Peston

This book, newly available in paperback, is the first in the new series The Labour governments, 1964-70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. The book deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960s 'cultural revolution'. It is grounded in original research, takes unique account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a 'total history' of the party at this critical moment in history. Steven Fielding situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women, rising black immigration, the apparently widening generation gap and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. The book will be of interest to all those concerned with the development of contemporary British politics and society as well as those researching the 1960s. Together with the other books in the series, on international policy and economic policy, it provides an unrivalled insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government. -- .

Available in paperback for the first time, this book is the third in the three volume set The Labour governments 1964-1970 and concentrates on Britain's economic policy under the Labour governments in the 1960s. It assesses the origins, development and outcomes of the attempts made by the 1964-1970 Labourgovernments under Harold Wilson to modernise the British economy. This is the first comprehensive and archivally-based work to offer a detailed study of this modernisation project. The book places the project in the context of Labour's economic ideas as they had developed since the 1940s as well as the economic legacy they inherited from the previous thirteen years of Conservative rule. After outlining this context and providing a summary narrative of economic policy over this period, the international aspect of Labour's approach to the economy is analysed. The core of the book then goes on to look in detail at the policies directly concerned with modernisation. Following the agenda set by the national plan of 1965, policies on planning, investment and the firm, technical change, the labour market and the nationalised industries are all analysed. In addition, the productivity campaign of the late 1960s is shown to have encapsulated many of the underlying ideas but also many of the problems of Labour's approach to economic policy. The final section of the book asks how the pursuit of modernisation affected Labour's pursuit of "social justice", before offering an overall assessment of Labour's period of office. The book will be of special interest to contemporary historians, economic historians and those interested in the history of the Labour party. Together with the other books in the series, on domestic policy and international policy, it provides a complete picture of the development of Britain under the premiership of Harold Wilson. -- .

In this work Conan Fischer investigates how the public-brawling between Communists and Nazis during the Weimar Era masked a more subtle and complex relationship. It examines the way in which the National Socialists' growth across traditional class and regional barriers came to threaten the Communists on their home ground and forced them to adopt increasingly precarious, comprising strategies to confront this challenge. Encouraged by Moscow, they ascribed a qualified legitimacy to grass-roots Nazism which justified fraternisation with Hitler's ordinary supporters. Fischer's book thereby strengthens and elaborates recent perceptions of Nazism as a populist mass movement and shows the collapse of Weimar to have been even more convoluted and controversial than hitherto believed.

A sophisticated theoretical framework and up-to-date analysis of the Europeanisation of domestic party systems and political parties' policy stances. This book covers a range of contemporary topics: party systems, policy stances of political parties, opposition/co-operation over European integration, cleavage theory of party response to European integration, domestic depoliticisation and EU representation. It presents a sophisticated political analysis of Europe, and an exceptional amount of factual information about European countries and parties.

This book offers an original interpretation of Britain's relationship with Europe over a 25 year period: 1959-84 and advances the argument that the current problems over EU membership resulted from much earlier political machinations. This evidence based account of the seminal period analyses the applications for EEC membership, the 1975 referendum, and the role of the press. Was the British public misled over the true aims of the European project? How significant was the role of the press in changing public opinion from anti, to pro Common Market membership? Why, after over 40 years since Britain became a member of the European community, does the issue continue to deeply divide not only the political elite, but also the British public? These, and other pertinent questions are answered in this timely book on a subject that remains topical and highly controversial. -- .

"This new encyclopedia will be invaluable for political science and history reference collections. . . . Highly recommended." Library Journal

To a large extent, elite politicians, bureaucrats, and businessmen hold the fortunes of their societies in their hands. This edited volume describes how formal and informal institutions affect elite behaviour, which in turn affects corruption and the quality of government.

This title evaluates the Blair government from 1997-2007 conducting high quality research into aspects of British politics with particular emphasis on parties, policies and ideologies.It includes contributions from key figures in the field including three peers of the realm - Lord Norton, Lord Giddens and Lord Plant. This is the timely - cutting edge title published to coincide with a period of intense scrutiny of the New Labour administration's first decade. It is a core title in Palgrave Macmillan's market leading, established group of practical British politics titles and those focused specifically on New Labour. It's publication coincides with and mark the opening of a new British Politics research centre at Hull, with funding and publicity attached to it.With contributions from key figures in the field further topics include New Labour's record on social policy, defence policy, constitutional reform and public expenditure.

The end of World War II intensified Morocco's nationalist struggle against French colonial rule, with the establishment of the Istiqlal ('independence') party and the Moroccan Sultan's emergence as a national leader. In this book, Daniel Zisenwine charts the rise of Morocco's leading nationalist party, and illustrates the weakness of Moroccan political parties at the outset of the anti-colonial struggle. While Morocco today faces formidable challenges, its political system remains profoundly influenced by the events charted in this book. Drawing from a wide range of previously unpublished sources, Daniel Zisenwine presents the background to the Istiqlal's establishment, its initial actions and demands, and an extensive discussion of its social activities aimed at mobilizing the Moroccan public during the anti-colonial struggle.

A pioneering case study of a major political party under extreme strain, Getting the Donkey Out of the Ditch traces in detail what the Democratic Party actually did in the two years immediately following its resounding defeat in the 1980 elections. Caroline Arden argues that in November 1980 the Democratic Party was under the most severe stress it had experienced in this century, brought on not only by the loss of an election but also by the perceived threat of a major party realignment and to the Democrat's long-term status as a majority party. She shows that even though it still had sufficient power, the Democratic Party did not perform a fundamental or effective restoration to a unifying center after the disastrous election, which led in part to the disarray that has characterized the Party during the 1988 primaries.

The historical involvement of Jews in the political Left is well known, but far less attention has been paid to the political and ideological factors which attracted Jews to the Left. After the Holocaust and the creation of Israel many lost their faith in universalistic solutions, yet lingering links between Jews and the Left continue to exist.

This is an analysis of the impact of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union on the communist parties of Western Europe. Seven case-studies, covering the Italian, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Belgian, British and German parties, provide a comparative perspective. The conclusion assesses the range of responses to the dramatic events of 1989-91 and the likely future direction of the west-European communist movement. It is argued that, whilst it is no longer possible to talk of a coherent "family" of communist parties, various individual parties - some of them in revised form - may continue to prosper.

This edited volume seeks to provide guidance on how we can approach questions of governing and agency-particularly those who endeavour to embark on grounded empirical research- by rendering explicit some key challenges, tensions, dilemmas, and confluences that such endeavours elicit. Indeed, the contributions in this volume reflect the growing tendency in governmentality studies to shift focus to empirically grounded studies. The volume thus explicitly aims to move from theory to practice, and to step back from the more top-down governmentality studies approach to one that examines how one can/does study how relations of power affect lives, experience and agency. This book offers insight into the intricate relations between the workings of governing and (the possibility for) people's agency on the one hand, and about the possible effects of our attempts to engage in such studies on the other. In numerous ways, and from different starting points, the contributions to this volume provide thoughtful insights into, and creative suggestions for, how to work with the methodological challenges of studying the agency of being governed. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, global governance and research methods.

Despite the increasing academic interest in populism, we still lack understanding of individual factors contributing to populist voting. One of the main reasons for this is that populism is almost always attached to other ideologies which makes it difficult to isolate factors. This book draws on an innovative research design by comparing the reasons to vote for six populist parties which differ remarkably in terms of their host ideology in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Germany. The results show that populist voters are motivated by their dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more direct democracy. Furthermore it appears that populist parties do not mobilize among one specific social group although deprived groups are generally more susceptible to populist voting. Finally, this study explored why some populist parties persist while others decline. Origins of party formation and how leaders organize their party internally seem the most important factors determining party persistence. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of populism, European politics and contemporary political theory.

This volume surveys recent Taiwanese politics, mainly from the perspective of the ruling KMT party. It includes analysis of recent changes in the party itself and also in the relations between the party, the opposition, and society generally. Also included is simple statistical analysis of rank-and-file KMT activists and of the 1989 national elections. The work's theoretical center is the question of democratization, with an attempt to explore an anomaly: the KMT is, apparently, an example of a ruling hegemonic party that has undertaken a genuine liberalization, instituting changes that would put its rule at risk.

The general theoretical issue must be seen in the context of the specific Taiwan situation, and the work analyzes the complications this engenders. Democratization in particular has implications for the future relations between mainlanders and Taiwanese (particularly, can the KMT retain its integrity as a cohesive party if it becomes a Taiwanese-dominated political organization operating on Taiwan alone?), and the potential contradiction between a democratic Taiwan and the future unification of China. This volume will be essential reading for political scientists, students and scholars involved in the study of Taiwan as well as mainland China.

Party Structure and Organization in East-Central Europe focuses on the origin and development of new political parties within different countries in East-Central Europe. The book has a clear focus on party structure and organization. It is one of the first books to present empirical studies of the development of political parties in Eastern Europe. Whilst making a distinctive contribution, it also feeds into the broader debate about party development and links with other issues of political theory. The book fills a major gap in our understanding of developments within political parties and their structural evolution. It raises questions about the status and role of a modern political party - not least in East-Central Europe - and the links that can be drawn between developments within the parties and their changing position within the political system as a whole. All those with an interest in comparative party development and the processes of post-communist change in Eastern Europe will welcome this well focused empirical study.

This engaging exploration of the French Socialist Party details the exceptional problems that the party has faced and the way it has dealt with them. The result is a comprehensive and compelling guide to the quiddities of political infighting, the structure of power and of the environment in which the party operates.

Since the 1880s, the Conservative Party has been an important political force in Britain. In this study of Conservative ideology since the end of Second World War, first published in 1974, Andrew Gamble considers the nature of Conservative party opinion, and the factors that have accounted for its success. The adaptation of the party post-1945 is discussed, as well as the ascendancy of the Right progressives in the leadership, and the challenge of the Whigs and Imperialists. Finally, the book includes a discussion of the fluctuations within the Conservative Government between 1970 and 1974, with an account of what Gamble believes to have been ultimately a failure. A rigorous and comprehensive analysis of Conservative thought and policy, this study will be of particular value to those with an interest in the history of British Conservative politics and government.

Party and Government is an eleven-country study of the relationship between the governments of liberal democracies, mainly from Western Europe, but also including the United States and India, and the parties which support these governments. It examines this relationship at the three levels at which governments and parties connect: appointments, policy-making, and patronage. The emphasis is on a two-way relationship: parties influence governments but governments also influence parties. The extent and the direction of this influence varies from country to country. In some cases, governments and parties are almost autonomous from each other, as in the United States; in other cases, on the contrary, there is considerable power of one over the other: sometimes the party dominates, sometimes the government.

In his acclaimed #1 "New York Times" bestseller, Mark R. Levin explores the psychology, motivations, and history of the utopian movement, its architects--the Founding Fathers, and its modern-day disciples--and how the individual and American society are being devoured by it.
Levin asks, what is this utopian force that both allures a free people and destroys them? Levin digs deep into the past and draws astoundingly relevant parallels to contemporary America from Plato's "Republic," Thomas More's "Utopia," Thomas Hobbes's "Leviathan," and Karl Marx's "Communist Manifesto," as well as from the critical works of John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Alexis de Tocqueville, and other philosophical pioneers who brilliantly diagnosed the nature of man and government. As Levin meticulously pursues his subject, the reader joins him in an enlightening and compelling journey. And in the end, Levin's message is clear: the American republic is in great peril. The people must now choose between utopianism or liberty.
President Ronald Reagan warned, "freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction." Levin agrees, and with "Ameritopia," delivers another modern political classic, an indispensable guide for America in our time and in the future.

Traditional perceptions of centre parties stress their moderating factors, but their opposite tendency of contributing to party system polarization has generally been treated as if it were of lesser consequence. This study seeks to settle an age-old debate by claiming that what has become acceptable almost universally by political scientists, and has achieved the status of an axiom when politics are discussed, is dubious, if not outright incorrect. Examining this important aspect of European parliamentary democracies, this book reassesses the perception of centre parties as a force of moderation, arguing that the centre has the capacity to cause polarization. An examination of contemporary centre parties is provided to prove this maxim.